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Thursday, January 1, 2026

American Legal Sovereignty Threatened By Greenpeace's Retaliatory EU Lawsuit

 by John Swallow via The Epoch Times,

The strength of the American civil legal system rests on a simple principle: those who break the law on U.S. soil answer to U.S. plaintiffs in U.S. courts. Our constitutional order depends on juries empowered to weigh evidence, judges and plaintiffs entrusted to enforce verdicts, and a system insulated from foreign interference. However, that foundation is now being tested by an activist organization determined to escape domestic accountability for domestic acts, by turning abroad and using a foreign country’s laws and courts to take another bite at the legal apple, so to speak.

In March 2025, a North Dakota jury delivered a decisive $670 million verdict against Greenpeace and its affiliates, finding them liable for extreme torts against Energy Transfer LP in the form of defamation, trespass, and conspiracy. The jurors rejected the claim that the Greenpeace activity—supporting violent demonstrations that disrupted construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline in 2016 and 2017—was protected speech, finding instead that Greenpeace orchestrated a campaign of unlawful disruption and reputational harm against Energy Transfer.

While the award has since been reduced to $345 million, the fact remains: the jury verdict was well founded.

During the trial, Energy Transfer’s lawyers presented compelling evidence showing Greenpeace’s role in orchestrating the protests. The group spent $55,000 training activists in direct action and violent protest tactics, supplied them with power tools, tents, propane, cold-weather gear, and lockboxes to chain themselves to heavy equipment, and encouraged confrontations with law enforcement. Meanwhile, its former executive director was found to have used an official Greenpeace email account to raise another $90,000 to fuel the effort.

On top of that, the jury found that Greenpeace knowingly defamed Energy Transfer by falsely accusing the company of knowingly desecrating Native American burial grounds during pipeline construction. In reality, Energy Transfer took extensive precautions to protect cultural and historical sites. Such fabricated and highly incendiary claims were found to have inflicted serious harm on Energy Transfer’s public reputation and its standing with financial institutions.

But rather than accept the ruling of the court, Greenpeace is attempting an end-run around it. Just weeks before the trial concluded, Greenpeace and Greenpeace International filed a retaliatory lawsuit against Energy Transfer in the Netherlands, invoking the European Union’s new anti-Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (anti-SLAPP) directive. Importantly, the EU directive allows EU-based entities, such as Greenpeace International, to pursue damages against non-EU actors for cases originally brought outside the EU—expanding its reach far beyond Europe’s borders.

The Dutch lawsuit marks the first test of the new EU directive, and it appears that Greenpeace’s goal is to reframe its adjudicated misconduct as “free speech,” sprinkle in its own claims, which could and should have been raised and litigated in the North Dakota forum, and ask a foreign tribunal to essentially re-litigate, where a North Dakota court had already ruled following a full jury trial. Such tactics are abusive, costly, extra-jurisdictional, and very concerning for any company dealing with EU-based entities as no U.S. company could anticipate being hauled into an EU Court by or through its activities in the United States.

Fortunately, at least for now, Recital 29 of the directive only applies to untruthful allegations, meaning that if the claims in the original suit are proven true, anti-SLAPP protections do not apply. On that basis alone, the Dutch court should dismiss the case.

The directive was meant to protect European journalists, activists, and civic participants from frivolous lawsuits meant to silence dissent for activities on European soil. As determined in court by a jury, under the guidance of an experienced judge, the Energy Transfer/Greenpeace case was not frivolous. Nothing Greenpeace could say in a Dutch court could undermine the “truth” as found by a North Dakota jury, under state law.

However, the danger of allowing Greenpeace to relitigate facts and activities already determined by a lawful proceeding in the United States risks setting a dangerous precedent. If a foreign-based entity can lose in the United States and live to fight the same fight overseas, it creates a real incentive for bad actors to engage in tortious activities in the United States while discouraging what might be perceived as fruitless litigation. What company can afford to pay the price of a never-ending battle overseas?

The Greenpeace tactic of using the EU directive as a counterweight also raises jurisdictional questions concerning liability of a U.S. company under foreign laws when they have done nothing to justify being hauled into a foreign court. Indeed, allowing a foreign tribunal without jurisdiction over a U.S.-based company to require even a response to an EU action would open the floodgates to duplicative litigation and erode the confidence American companies should have in U.S. systems of civil justice.

Energy Transfer recently appealed a decision by the North Dakota Southwest Judicial District Court and Judge James Gion—who is overseeing the proceedings—to not enjoin Greenpeace from moving the EU lawsuit forward. The jury got the case right and the Judge got his denial of an injunction wrong. In America, courts should do all they can to respect and protect jury verdicts and those who pay the price to bring justice to those who violate American laws, even if they are foreign-based.

The stakes of the anti-SLAPP suit are too high to simply hope for the right outcome.

We should not forget that Greenpeace is not simply testing the boundaries of free expression—it is testing whether U.S. legal sovereignty and the rule of law still mean something. The answer must be a firm and resounding yes.

https://www.zerohedge.com/markets/american-legal-sovereignty-threatened-greenpeaces-retaliatory-eu-lawsuit

India Turns to Israel for SPICE-1000 Bombs

 India’s Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), chaired by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, approved a wide-ranging defense procurement package valued at approximately $8.7 billion (₹79,000 crore)

Among the headline items is the planned acquisition of around 1,000 SPICE-1000 long-range precision-guidance kits from Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, significantly expanding the Indian Air Force’s (IAF) ability to strike high-value targets from extended stand-off distances.

The SPICE-1000 approval forms part of a broader DAC clearance covering air-to-air missiles, loitering munitions, artillery rockets, radars, and other systems.

Indian defense reporting framed the decision as reflecting operational urgency and the continued prioritization of proven systems that can be fielded rapidly.

SPICE-1000 is a 500-kg (1,000-lb class) stand-off, air-to-ground precision-guided munition kit that converts conventional unguided bombs into autonomous “smart” weapons. 

The system offers a reported range of 100–125 km, allowing launch aircraft to remain outside many air-defense engagement envelopes.

Its guidance combines electro-optical scene-matching algorithms with inertial navigation, enabling GPS-independent operation and resistance to jamming, with a cited circular error probable of under 3 meters.

For the IAF, the weapon fills a niche between heavier SPICE-2000 munitions and lighter indigenous glide bombs. 

Indian reporting indicates the SPICE-1000 will be integrated across multiple fighter platforms, including RafaleSu-30MKI, and potentially Tejas, supporting flexible employment across different strike scenarios.

The SPICE-1000 procurement was approved alongside other high-end munitions. 

These include Astra Mk-II beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles, additional Meteor missiles for Rafale jets, loitering munitions, long-range Pinaka rockets, and new radar systems.

Together, the package underscores India’s emphasis on layered strike and air-combat capabilities rather than single-platform solutions.

Indian officials have not released a delivery timeline or unit cost breakdown, but the scale of the overall package—₹79,000 crore—has drawn attention domestically, particularly as indigenous alternatives advance toward induction.

India has an established operational history with Rafael’s SPICE family. SPICE-2000 munitions were used during the 2019 Balakot airstrike, and emergency purchases of more than 100 units followed later that year amid heightened tensions with Pakistan. 

According to SIPRI data cited in Indian and Israeli media, India accounted for roughly 34% of Israeli defense exports between 2020 and 2024, making it Rafael’s largest export customer.

While India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) is developing indigenous glide bombs such as Gaurav, Indian reporting suggests the DAC favored SPICE-1000 for its maturity and near-term availability.

The decision highlights a continuing pattern: parallel pursuit of domestic programs alongside selective imports where operational gaps are judged to persist.

https://clashreport.com/defense/articles/india-turns-to-israel-for-spice-1000-bombs-a907u0kt0jn

'NYT: CIA Kept Ukraine Fight Alive as Military Aid Faltered'

 While the Pentagon halted weapons deliveries and temporarily suspended intelligence sharing after President Trump ordered an aid freeze in March, the CIA was granted an exemption. 

CIA Director John Ratcliffe warned the White House that a full cutoff would endanger U.S. officers operating inside Ukraine, prompting approval for continued intelligence sharing on Russian threats.

With long-range missile strikes using ATACMS effectively curtailed, the CIA shifted focus to Ukrainian drone operations.

The agency provided targeting intelligence and operational support for strikes against critical parts of Russia’s war economy, including:

  • oil refineries,
  • “energetics” factories producing explosive chemicals,
  • and Russia’s “shadow fleet” of oil tankers in the Black Sea and Mediterranean.

Early drone attacks had limited impact due to poor coordination and Russian electronic warfare. In June 2025, CIA and U.S. military officers restructured the campaign, narrowing targets to refinery components that are difficult to replace, forcing facilities offline for weeks.

According to a U.S. intelligence estimate cited in the report, the refined campaign inflicted losses of up to $75 million per day on the Russian economy.

Fuel shortages followed, with gas lines forming in several regions of Russia.

The CIA deliberately avoided supplying weapons or hardware that Pentagon officials wanted redirected to Asia or the Middle East, relying instead on intelligence support and Ukrainian-produced drones.

Ratcliffe briefed President Trump on the operation, which officials said the president favored because it offered pressure on Russia without overt escalation.

The covert nature of the campaign provided Washington with deniability while weakening Russia’s ability to sustain the war.

A senior U.S. official quoted in the report said:

“We found something that is working.”

The CIA’s approach contrasted sharply with Pentagon policy, where munitions were restricted and Ukraine-focused officials were sidelined.

The result was a divided U.S. posture: overt military aid stalled, while covert intelligence operations quietly intensified to buy time for Ukraine.

https://clashreport.com/world/articles/cia-kept-ukraine-fight-alive-as-military-aid-faltered-kq1b4eptshf