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Friday, August 2, 2024

Democrats vs. the Man Who Could Get to the Bottom of the Trump Shooting

By Julie Kelly, RealClearInvestigations

 

After the evasive House testimony of now-former Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle and FBI Director Christopher Wray’s shortlived suggestion that Donald Trump may not have been hit by a bullet, one man alone may help allay Republican fears that the Biden administration will not conduct a forthright investigation into the attempted assassination of Trump last month: Joseph Cuffari.

The Trump-appointed inspector general for the Department of Homeland Security has already opened two investigations into the U.S. Secret Service, which is under the purview of the DHS, related to the agency’s handling of the July 13 shooting.

AP
Alejandro Mayorkas, DHS secretary: Accused of holding back a report on the Secret Service's handling of Jan. 6.

But some Republicans are concerned because, they say, Cuffari has been stonewalled by Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas on other internal examinations – including one that might have revealed Secret Service lapses that might have prevented the attempt on Trump’s life. 

Specifically, congressional sources tell RCI that Cuffari’s report, “USSS Preparation for and Response to the Events of January 6, 2021,” has been on Mayorkas’ desk since at least April.

The report, according to Politico, will “cast light on a series of embarrassing security lapses for the agency.” And given some comparisons between Jan. 6 and July 13, the report might shed light on systemic issues that impacted both events.

For example, unanswered questions remain as to why the Secret Service allowed Trump to take the stage at The Ellipse outside the White House around noon on Jan. 6 amid reports of individuals with weapons in the vicinity – a question many Americans have about the July 13 assassination attempt. Law enforcement and spectators noted the presence of a suspicious individual, later identified as the gunman, Thomas Matthew Crooks, at least a half hour before Trump took the stage in Butler, Pennsylvania.

In addition, no one has explained how the Secret Service failed to notice an alleged pipe bomb found outside the Democrat National Committee DC office on Jan. 6 – while then Vice President-elect Harris was inside the building. Previous reporting by RCI shows multiple law enforcement officers, including one with a bomb-sniffing dog, walking past the bench where the device was found. 

AP
Rep. Barry Loudermilk: Are there security parallels between the Jan. 6 Capitol siege and the Trump assassination attempt of July 13?

Rep. Barry Loudermilk, chairman of a House subcommittee tasked with a separate investigation into Jan. 6 as well as the now-defunct J6 committee, recently accused Mayorkas of intentionally holding the release of the report. The Georgia Republican told Mayorkas in a letter that “the failure to provide an in-depth review of the department’s security planning and operational failures related to January 6 not only raises concerns about the department’s botched planning for former president Trump’s rally in Pennsylvania on July 13, 2024, but it is quite possible that such reports could have prevented the security breakdown that resulted in the near assassination of a former president and presidential candidate.”

Top Democrats have long sought to remove Cuffari – a former investigator for the Air Force and Department of Justice whom Trump appointed in 2019 in 2019 – from office. The coordinated effort began when the IG notified Congress that a trove of Secret Service texts from January 5 and 6, 2021 had been deleted in late January 2021 under the Biden administration. The purge occurred weeks after every federal agency received a directive from Congress to preserve all evidence related to January 6. 

Cuffari said messages belonging to at least 24 Secret Service officials including then director James Murray and Cheatle, who was an assistant director of the agency on January 6, were gone. So, too, were the texts of then acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf and acting deputy secretary Ken Cuccinelli, both Trump appointees.

AP
Rep. Bennie Thompson, Jan. 6 panel chairman: Called on the inquisitive Inspector General Cuffari to resign.

His office subsequently opened a criminal investigation into the matter.

“The USSS erased those text messages after OIG [Office of Inspector General] requested records of electronic communications from the USSS, as part of our evaluation of events at the Capitol on January 6,” the inspector general wrote in a July 2022 letter to chairmen of both the Senate and House Homeland Security committees, including Rep. Bennie Thompson, who also chaired the Jan. 6 committee at the same time. 

Cuffari further flagged the DHS’s lack of cooperation with his inquiry, something he had already pointed out in an earlier report to the committees. “DHS personnel have repeatedly told OIG inspectors that they were not permitted to provide records directly to OIG and that such records had to first undergo review by DHS attorneys,” Cuffari continued in the letter.

Not true, responded Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi. He claimed the texts had been deleted when cell phones were reset to factory settings as part of a device replacement program. “The insinuation that the Secret Service maliciously deleted text messages following a request is false.” (Guglielmi’s truthfulness was brought into question recently when he claimed it was “absolutely false” that the Secret Service rejected the Trump campaign’s multiple requests for additional security prior to the Pennsylvania rally. The Washington Post later confirmed that top Secret Service officials “repeatedly denied” requests for more manpower and equipment to protect the former president at large events.)

And despite initially insisting the texts were not lost, Guglielmi shortly thereafter said the missing Jan. 6-related messages were not recoverable. Cuffari did acquire the cell phones of two dozen Secret Service agents on duty that day, which did not have texts from that day but could have other pertinent information.

But rather than demand that the DHS use its extensive investigative tools to retrieve the texts, Thompson instead turned his fire on Cuffari. Thompson suggested Cuffari’s alleged delay in notifying the committee about the purged texts represented a cover-up and “cost investigators precious time to capture relevant evidence.” Cuffari had, in fact, notified the Homeland Security committee of both the Senate and House, of which Thompson was chairman, at least twice that DHS officials were not cooperating in his J6 probe.

AP
Cassidy Hutchinson: Why wouldn't the Jan. 6 committee want records to prove or disprove her claims damaging to Trump?

“The Department repeatedly suggested that OIG might not have a right of access to the records sought, but during the months-long period in which access was delayed the Department did not cite any legal authority – that would have justified withholding the information,” Cuffari disclosed in a September 2021 report to Congress.

Despite Cuffari’s warnings related to stonewalling by DHS brass, Thompson accused Cuffari of withholding news of the deleted messages. In a July 2022 letter, just two weeks after Cuffari disclosed the missing texts, Thompson asked him to step aside from the J6 inquiry. Calls for Cuffari’s dismissal have also been driven by the nonprofit “watchdog” group, the Project on Government Oversight. The vice chair of POGO’s board is Debra Katz, a lawyer for Brett Kavanagh’s accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, during his tawdry Supreme Court nomination hearings.   

Critics say Thompson’s demand for Cuffari’s recusal appeared to contradict his stated mission to find the truth about Jan. 6. For example, former White House aide Cassidy Hutchinson, a star witness for the committee, provided a shocking account about how Trump allegedly assaulted one of the Secret Service agents on his detail that afternoon. Wouldn’t Thompson and the other committee members want records to prove her claims, which are now in dispute by several individuals, including the driver she said Trump tried to attack? Why would Thompson want to get rid of the watchdog attempting to locate messages critical to filling an important missing piece of the Jan. 6 puzzle? 

In fact, Thompson told Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky) in February his committee “could have had a better, more thorough report had we had access to all those records.” Thompson further said that the deletions not only violated the Federal Records Act but may have also amounted to obstruction of justice since he had issued a subpoena, the only one his committee sought from an executive office, seeking the records.

Talk but No Action

But neither his committee nor a Democrat-controlled Congress did anything about it. Unlike the committee’s criminal referral to the Department of Justice against Trump for obstructing an official proceeding, Thompson did not pursue criminal charges against any DHS official responsible for erasing the text records.

But Thompson did continue his attacks on Cuffari aided by his House colleagues and DHS IG employees, who wrote a letter accusing Cuffari of “continued mismanagement.” “IG Cuffari has made it clear that he wishes to remain in his position, even in the face of prolonged, deserved criticism in the media, from Congress, from other oversight entities and from his own staff. A true leader would recognize the effect of his actions on his workforce and understand the right thing to do would be to step aside,” anonymous staffers wrote in a September 2022 letter to Joe Biden asking him to fire Cuffari.

The Council of the Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency, or CIGIE, which oversees federal inspector generals, also went after Cuffari by opening a flood of inquiries into the DHS IG’s office. In response, Cuffari filed a lawsuit seeking relief  from “an unjust, Kafkaesque system produced by an unconstitutionally structured entity and abetted by a complete absence of independent oversight, accountability and lawful due process.”  A federal judge dismissed his effort to stop the investigation, ruling that he had not suffered any harm. 

CIGIE is mired in its own scandals; in May, several Republican House members sent a letter to a top CIGIE official demanding answers about the “politicization” of the organization. During a House hearing on July 24, committee members accused CIGIE chairman Mark Greenblatt of a lack of transparency and the “subjective” nature of CIGIE’s work.

House Democrats, including Thompson, continue to seek Cuffari’s resignation more recently for deleting text messages off his government device. Cuffari told Congress he did not consider the texts applicable under the Federal Records Act.

FBI
An enduring mystery involving Kamala Harris: Suspected pipe bomber outside the DNC on the eve of Jan. 6. 

Intriguingly, as Cuffari begins his probe of the attempt on Trump’s life, his Jan. 6 report may shed light on an alleged threat to Vice President Harris.  

More than three-and-a-half years later, investigators still have not arrested anyone for planting pipe bombs outside the headquarters of both the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee on the evening of Jan. 5. The FBI’s investigation reportedly remains open but apparently went cold.

POOL AP
Kamala Harris: Why did the Secret Service fail to notice an alleged pipe bomb outside the Democrat National Committee office on Jan. 6 – while the Vice President-elect was inside?

For reasons still unknown, Harris left Capitol Hill around 11:15 a.m. on Jan. 6 following a briefing for the Senate Intelligence Committee. Although an official schedule indicated she planned to go home, she instead arrived at DNC headquarters along with a Secret Service detail at 11:25 a.m.

Video captured by a security camera outside the building showed a bomb-sniffing dog conducting a vehicle search at 9:44 a.m., roughly two hours before Harris’ arrival. The canine did not detect the explosive device sitting just a few feet away near an outdoor bench.

Neither did officers from Capitol Police and D.C. Metropolitan Police, who intermittently arrived at the building throughout the morning and into the early afternoon. Harris’ Secret Service detail did not appear to conduct any meaningful search of the premises before or during her visit.

And when a plainclothes Capitol Police officer discovered the pipe bomb at 1:07 p.m., no officer appeared overly concerned that a device the FBI later said was viable and deadly was within distance of the incoming vice president.

She was evacuated about 10 minutes later.

How did the Secret Service miss the device in plain view? Was anyone fired for failing to properly sweep the area and endangering the life of their protectee? Were new protocols put in place to avoid repeating such a frightening scenario in the future?

Cuffari’s report presumably will finally answer those questions because agency officials have not.

Not only are the FBI and Secret Service tight-lipped about the incident, but Harris herself has yet to discuss it publicly. 

Harris has not explained why she, a sitting U.S. senator at the time, left the Capitol 90 minutes before the beginning of the joint session of Congress to certify her groundbreaking election. She appears to have been the only senator not in attendance as the proceedings commenced. Why did she plan to miss such a historic event? How did she feel when she was told of the alleged bomb?

It would be nearly impossible for the national news media to continue to ignore her ties to the pipe bomb story if Cuffari addressed it in his investigation. 

“Any delay or obstruction by Mayorkas is unacceptable," Loudermilk said in an email, "especially now that the DHS IG is investigating the serious USSS security failures at the Trump rally in Butler PA.”

https://www.realclearinvestigations.com/articles/2024/07/30/democrats_vs_the_man_who_could_get_to_the_bottom_of_the_trump_shooting_1047928.html

Censorship Industry: GARM Members Receive Billions in Federal Contracts

 The federal government is sending billions of dollars of U.S. taxpayer money to four of the big six global advertising agencies, which include some of the leading architects of online censorship.

These multinational corporations have spent much of the last decade demanding online censorship of “hate speech,” “disinformation,” and “harmful content” on social media platforms, all while being paid by U.S. taxpayers, who overwhelmingly support free speech.

Since 2019, the industry has sought to pressure social media companies through the Global Alliance for Responsible Media (GARM), a project of the World Federation of Advertisers (WFA), a body that account for roughly 90 percent of all ad spending worldwide.

As demonstrated in a recent report by the House Judiciary Committee, GARM exerted pressure against platforms that host controversial or disfavored speech, using its influence over the internet’s revenue streams to push for stricter censorship standards.

The report revealed a number of incidents of GARM’s relentless drive to punish any site or platform that deviated from “brand safe” speech:

  • The Twitter/X boycott: after a collective boycott of X due to Elon Musk’s relaxation content moderation regime, GARM members bragged “taking on Elon Musk” and taking X “80 percent below revenue forecasts.”
  • Threatening Spotify: members of GARM’s steer team placed sustained pressure on Spotify over its support for Joe Rogan, then the world’s number-one podcast host, for hosting guests skeptical of official COVID-19 policies. Members of GARM’s steer team also advised Coca-cola, a major global brand, that Rogan and Spotify were a “major area of concern.”
  • Blacklisting non-establishment media: GARM members “closely watched” disfavored news outlets to find a pretext for withdrawing ad dollars, with Breitbart News and The Daily Wire specifically named. GARM also collaborated with NewsGuard, a private company, and the Global Disinformation Index (GDI), a British nonprofit. The primary purpose of both these organizations is to build blacklists of disfavored news sources.

The advertising industry is heavily concentrated around the “big six” global ad agency holding companies, pictured below. These holding companies own virtually every major ad agency around the world.

Every single holding company pictured below is a member of GARM, and most have engaged in independent initiatives that undermine free speech, as this article will lay out.

Agency Holding Companies, a visual mapping – ESKIMI

A review of federal contract data by the Foundation for Freedom Online reveals that four out of six of these agencies – IPG, Omnicom, WPP and Publicis Groupe – have collectively received billions of dollars in obligated funds from U.S. taxpayers through massive federal contracts.

Together, these contracts represent billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars — all going to companies that have a demonstrated track record of trying to curb free speech on the largest social media platforms.

In addition to their status as GARM members, each of these four global agencies has acted independently to curb or demonetize disfavored online speech.

Publicis Groupe

Publicis Groupe, a French multinational agency with multiple subsidiaries based in the U.S., has done more than most to advance online censorship. Perhaps its most significant act in this regard was its decision, in 2018, to lead the seed round for NewsGuard, a company that would become one of the most important forces in online censorship and financial blacklisting.

Thomas Glocer, a member of Publicis Groupe’s board, former CEO of Reuters, and a member of the deep state-linked Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) also made a personal investment in the fledgling news-rating company.

NewsGuard, which would go on to receive $750,000 in Pentagon funding purports to rate the credibility of thousands of news sites by assigning them “news nutrition labels.,” It claims to be a politically neutral guide to the vast online news ecosystem, guiding users on the reliability of news sites. Its real purpose is blacklisting, something that NewsGuard’s own founders have spoken candidly about in public appearances.

Low NewsGuard scores are intended to cut disfavored news sites off from billions in ad revenue, forcing them offline and out of business. Despite claiming to be “apolitical,” it has a documented partisan bias, rating left-leaning sites 27 points higher, on average, than right-leaning alternatives. NewsGuard also sells databases of “provably false narratives” to censor at scale across the internet using AI speech detection techniques.

Publicis Groupe continues to play a role in NewsGuard, with former COO and current head of Publicis Groupe Europe Steve King continuing to serve on NewsGuard’s five-person board of directors.

Publicis Groupe also partnered with NewsGuard in 2021 to launch “HealthGuard,” a browser plug-in powered by a blacklist which warns both everyday users and advertisers about allegedly unreliable websites posting “vaccine misinformation.” This partnership was likely welcome news to Publicis Groupe’s many clients in the pharmaceutical industry, which include COVID-19 vaccine manufacturers PfizerSanofi, and AstraZeneca.

Beyond its work with NewsGuard, Publicis Groupe executives have signed open letters calling for social media platforms to clamp down on hate speech. Publicis also worked with Licra, a left-wing nonprofit in France, on a project called “columns of hate,” (pictured above) which saw statistics on Twitter’s allegedly soaring number of racist posts projected onto the columns of the French National Assembly building. The goal? To encourage French deputies to pass a a new law censoring online “hate speech.”

Interpublic Group (IPG)

IPG, along with others in the advertising industry, advised its clients to “pause” advertising on Twitter upon the company’s takeover by Elon Musk in 2022, saying they wanted more clarity on its trust and safety (i.e., censorship) policies.

This followed years of the ad agency pushing the envelope on demonetization, including the rollout of a new buzzword in 2020, “brand responsibility.” Brand responsibility, explained IPG in its announcement, goes beyond the concept of brand safety, shifting focus from protecting brands to protecting “the communities that a brand serves, weighing the societal impact of the content, the publishers and services, and the platforms being funded by advertising.”

IPG’s “media responsibility principles” justify financial throttling for a litany of pretexts that are typically used to curb political speech and blacklist non-establishment media. Under IPG’s principles, ad revenue can be withdrawn from any site or platform that “creates hostile conversation environments,” “spreads misinformation,” or “fuels hatred on the grounds of race, religion, nationality, migration status, sexuality, gender or gender identity, disability or any other group characteristic.”

By shifting its justification from from “brand safety” to “brand responsibility,” IPG sidesteps one of the only limiting principles on advertiser blacklisting: proving that the blacklisted content will somehow harm the brand(s) that would have otherwise run ads against it.

IPG’s own press release reveals the vagueness of its new principles: anything that is deemed to have a negative “societal impact” or “contributes to harm” is fair game for demonetization. Whether a brand or client is directly impacted isn’t even a consideration.

IPG’s “media responsibility” initiatives are housed in its ESG division, IPG ESG, which includes  broad commitments to fighting “hate speech” and promoting diversity.

The ad agency also wants to extend its brand responsibility crusade beyond online media. In 2021, IPG MediaBrands struck an exclusive deal with NewsGuard to bring its blacklisting practices to the world of cable and broadcast TV, with plans to create NewsGuard rankings for 117 separate shows on 27 networks .

Omnicom

In 2020, Omnicom launched the Council on Accountable Social Advertising, with the purpose of pressuring social media platforms to keep their ads away from “inappropriate” content including “racism and conspiracy theories.” 

The global ad agency has undertaken various other independent initiatives to promote clampdowns on disfavored perspectives. At Cop27 in 2022, the UN’s annual climate change conference, Omnicom joined IPG and various brands in signing an open letter urging more international cooperation to fight “climate misinformation.”

Like IPG and Publicis, Omnicom is also linked to NewsGuard, praising its blacklists of media sites for enabling Omnicom to support “publishers with editorial integrity.”

WPP

British multinational WPP was pressuring Google and Facebook as early as 2017, urging tech platforms to see themselves more like publishers with a responsibility to police content on behalf of brands, and helping its clients withdraw ads from platforms on the grounds of “hate speech.”

The company also created the Impact Index, a NewsGuard-like product which uses AI to analyze and rank individual pieces of content on media websites to determine its suitability for ad placements.

Some at WPP want the company to go further. Christian Juhl, CEO of WPP subsidiary GroupM, which sits on GARM’s steer team, wrote in 2020 that agencies ought to go beyond an emphasis on “brand safety,” to focus on more on “social and environmental impact,” mirroring ESG funds.

https://foundationforfreedomonline.com/censorship-industry-garm-members-receive-billions-in-federal-contracts/

Israel Brings Deterrence Back to the War on Terror

 

Coming on the heels of strikes that killed Hamas military commander Mohammed Deif in Khan Younis and Hezbollah military commander Fuad Shukr in Beirut, the assassination in Tehran of Hamas’s political leader, Ismail Haniyeh, sent clear messages to Hezbollah, Hamas and, most important, Iran. Haniyeh was in Tehran for the inauguration of Iran’s new president, who was elected last month following his predecessor’s death in a May helicopter crash. Iran’s failure to protect a high-level guest at a state event suggests to the world that its security services are deeply penetrated by Israel. This is a devastating demonstration of incompetence for a regime that depends on terror to survive.

In some quarters, Haniyeh is being eulogized as a moderate and Israel’s attack on him condemned as prolonging the war. This is not quite as nonsensical as it sounds. There were hopes in Qatar, Gaza, Turkey and Iran that the U.S. could be bamboozled into supporting a cease-fire leading to a “moderate” Hamas government in a unified West Bank-Gaza Palestinian protostate under Haniyeh’s leadership.

The bamboozling process was well under way. For many on Team Biden, getting a cease-fire and moving toward establishing a Palestinian state had become America’s top objective. Team Harris will likely be even more interested in distancing itself from Israel and reviving the Obama-era policy of seeking détente with Iran.

Haniyeh’s demise could jeopardize, at least for now, Washington’s hopes of a diplomatic breakthrough that delivers a Gaza cease-fire and hostage deal. That comes at a cost. Some in the U.S. government will blame Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for blocking what they see as a promising road to peace.

Team Biden also fears that Iran’s retaliation for the deaths of prominent Hamas and Hezbollah officials might ignite a regional war that could embroil the U.S. With only months left in office, the Biden administration remains more focused on blocking what it considers “excessive” Israeli responses to Iranian aggression than on stopping Iran’s reckless behavior across the Middle East.

Blocking a deal that empowers Hamas helps Mr. Netanyahu at home. Israelis have been living in a pressure cooker since the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks. The torture, rape and murder of innocent Israelis, the unspeakable suffering of the hostages and their families, and the continuing agony of combat losses reverberate through this tightly knit society in ways that are difficult for outsiders to fully understand.

To most Israelis, ending the war with the installation of a Hamas-led government in the West Bank is unthinkable. It would reward terror and give Israel’s enemies greater power than ever before. Even so, many Israelis wanted to keep the Haniyeh negotiating channel open in the desperate hope that it might lead to the release of more hostages. This put Mr. Netanyahu between a rock and a hard place. He had to reject a cease-fire that rewarded Hamas, but he had to seek a cease-fire to free hostages. The killings of Haniyeh, Shukr and Deif help Mr. Netanyahu manage both his domestic and his international problems.

In Israel, removing key figures in the Hamas and Hezbollah terror structures is popular. The beleaguered prime minister will likely benefit from an uptick in popularity even as the nation prepares for an escalating war. The moves against Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas will also reassure Israel’s Gulf Arab partners that Israel has the capacity and will to take action in its interest, and to inflict humiliating blows on its foes.

However frustrated the Americans are with the attacks, Washington can hardly condemn Israel for eliminating three of the top targets on America’s list of global terrorists. And with Vice President Kamala Harris’s national security adviser under fire for ties to figures accused of cooperating with Iranian influence operations in the U.S., the administration won’t want to advertise a breach with Israel in the runup to the November election.

But Mr. Netanyahu would be poorly advised to rest on his laurels. Israel could face a much more hostile America if Ms. Harris succeeds Joe Biden. Iran is on the brink of a nuclear breakout, and Israeli society remains deeply polarized. Most Israelis want the prime minister to step down, but there is no consensus on who should replace him.

As Iran and Hezbollah mull their options for retaliation, as Team Biden ponders its response to Israel’s refusal to follow Washington’s lead, and as Israeli politicians adjust to the new political situation, the risks of an expanding Middle East war are real. But the strikes in Beirut and Tehran have likely had a healthy deterrent effect. We can hope that, as has happened so often in the past, Hezbollah and Iran will limit their responses to Israel’s attacks out of respect for Israel’s power.

Walter Russell Mead is the Ravenel B. Curry III Distinguished Fellow in Strategy and Statesmanship at Hudson Institute, the Global View Columnist at The Wall Street Journal and the James Clarke Chace Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College in New York.

https://www.wsj.com/articles/israel-brings-deterrence-back-to-the-war-on-terror-hezbollah-and-iran-constraint-a64e9847

A Tale of Two Diagrams

 Are Local Police Deflecting Blame for Assassination Attempt?

Ahead of Tuesday’s Senate grilling of acting Secret Service Director Ronald Rowe, local Pennsylvania police released a curious diagram from the July 13 rally in Butler that ended in an assassination attempt of former President Trump, the death of rally-goer Corey Comperatore, and injuries of two others.

The aerial photo of the event site, the Butler Farm Show, contained labels for the locations of Butler County and Beaver County police assets, including two local law enforcement “snipers” assigned to cover the American Glass Research building, where shooter Thomas Crooks perched with his AR-15 rifle about 150 yards from Trump’s onstage performance and fired eight bullets at the former president and the crowd.

The diagram includes a narrow red triangle, clearly labeled “Beaver Sniper Line of Sight.” That line of sight is narrowly conscribed between the location of the snipers inside the AGR building to the stage and pointedly does not cover any area of the rooftop where Crooks ran across and then stopped to open fire.

A diagram released by Beaver County Police shows an aerial view of the event site.

The narrow scope of the red triangle’s purported “line of sight” immediately stood out to some sources within the Secret Service community as purposefully narrowly constructed so as to try to prove that the local snipers never had any portion of the AGR building rooftop in their line of sight and therefore were not at fault for failing to monitor that rooftop.

“Either the red vector was drawn deliberately to avoid responsibility, or it does not include any part of the roof by sheer accident,” one source told RealClearPolitics. “Either way, no one had eyes on the [AGR] roof.”

The shooter likely moved to his left to put a tree between himself and the Secret Service counter snipers who were positioned behind the stage, the source suggested after watching a recently released cell phone video from a rallygoer showing Crooks – in plain view from the stage – running along the rooftop before stopping and firing the eight shots.

But the narrow nature of the red-triangle line of sight doesn’t sit well with many law enforcement sources who asserted that a local police sniper would have had a much wider line of sight perspective that included most of the AGR roof, if sitting close to the window’s edge and constantly looking out.

In other words, he would have seen Crooks, if he had properly done his job, the sources argued.  

“If you are handling your window post properly, you would have seen and maybe heard him on the tin roof,” one source remarked. “If local snipers weren’t supposed to cover the roof, then what could possibly have been their role? Covering grass?”

Acting Secret Service Director Rowe, during his Senate testimony on Tuesday, put out a more simplified diagram showing a direct line of sight, or view of the entire AGR rooftop from where the local snipers were positioned.

“Why was the assailant not seen when we were told that building was going to be covered?” Rowe angrily demanded during his Tuesday testimony. “That there had been a face-to-face that afternoon – that our team leads met.”

“This was the view,” Rowe said, pointing to a photo of the AGR building’s rooftop. “These were discussions that were had between the [Secret Service’s] Pittsburgh Field Office, the local counterparts, and everyone supporting that visit that day.”

Rowe went on to describe his visit to the Butler rally site and said he laid down on the AGR rooftop to recreate the line of sight that Crooks had.

“That’s why when I laid in that position, I could not, and I will not, and I cannot understand why there was not better coverage or at least somebody looking at that roofline when that’s where they were posted.”

Lawmakers and Secret Service officials and sources have repeatedly traded accusations over the failure to man or surveil the AGR rooftop in the 20 days since a bullet pierced Trump’s ear and killed Comperatore. Headlines have criticized Rowe for blaming local partners and not fully explaining whether the Secret Service assigned the local snipers to the AGR rooftop, instead of inside the building.

The Secret Service’s shifting narrative for that failure has been the butt of viral memes and jokes after former Secret Service Director Kim Cheatle told ABC News in her only media interview that it wasn’t manned because it was sloped and too dangerous to place Secret Service or local law enforcement on it. Instead, she said, “the decision was made to secure the building from inside.”

In her testimony before the House Oversight Committee nearly a week later, Cheatle was ridiculed over that explanation and several members of Congress said it was the final straw leading to their calls for her resignation, which she submitted one day after the hearing.

Local law enforcement officials have also cited a complete breakdown in communications, with local police who were tracking Crooks siloed from the Secret Service when they are supposed to have interoperability and coordinated communications through a joint command post. (They are never on the same radio frequencies because synchronizing them is technically impossible, but communications are supposed to be coordinated through the command post.)

It’s unclear if that joint command post with representatives from local law enforcement paired with senior Secret Service agents existed that day in its typical form.

Sources in the Secret Service community have privately brushed off accusations from the local police that senior special agents never showed up for a briefing for all local officers assigned to the Farm Show grounds that day. The sources told RCP that they don’t usually provide briefings for every local police officer but the top agents in charge of the site security do conduct a detailed walk-through with top supervisors of local police.

It wouldn’t hurt, some sources suggested, if the Secret Service starts to utilize a written legal agreement signed between the agency and local law enforcement laying out legal liability if one side or the other fails to properly carry out responsibilities.

The agency simply doesn’t have the manpower to fully staff the events themselves, and even if Congress were to immediately provide more funding for additional hires, it takes nearly a year for an agent to get hired and minimally trained.

Sen. Josh Hawley, a Missouri Republican, engaged in a heated exchange with Rowe during his testimony Tuesday, demanding to know why no one at the agency had been fired yet over the failures.

Rowe, however, did confirm to Hawley that the Secret Service refused drones from local law enforcement, a detail brought to light by whistleblower allegations brought to Hawley’s office. Hawley also has said that whistleblowers told him that local police snipers were assigned to the AGR rooftop but abandoned their post and went inside because it was too hot.

Videos of alarmed rally-goers near the building pointing to Crooks and shouting that he was on the roof several minutes before the shots rang out have only heightened criticism of the Secret Service and law enforcement failures that day.

Pennsylvania State Police Col. Christopher Paris testified before Congress on July 23 that in a meeting before the shooting, “We were told that Butler ESU was responsible for that area, by several Secret Service agents on that walk-through.” Paris was referencing the AGR building.

Paris also said it was his understanding that ESU officers left their post to look for a suspicious person. He added that he was not sure if those officers could have seen Crooks if they had stayed at their post.

Butler County District Attorney Richard Goldinger, who would be responsible for defending at least one of the local snipers’ actions that day if criminal charges were ever brought against the police department, pushed back against Paris’ testimony amid the ongoing finger-pointing between local law enforcement and the Secret Service.

Goldinger said that Paris’ testimony “misstated” local law enforcement’s response after snipers first spotted Crooks 20 minutes prior to the shooting. He said the two local snipers snapped a photo Crooks, who was seated outside the AGR complex, and circulated it along with noting that he was a “suspicious individual” to the “command center” for the Secret Service and the local police.

Goldinger asserted that “at some point,” Crooks got up and moved to the other side of the building, spurring local law enforcement to move within the building in an “attempt to keep eyes” on the suspect.

One of the local snipers, from his location inside the building, noticed Crooks was sitting on a picnic table with a backpack in front of the building. It was only then that one of the officers ran outside to look for Crooks after seeing him run away. The other officer remained in his position on the second floor of the building, according to Goldinger.

The other sniper returned to their post inside the building after failing to locate Crooks outside.

“Neither officer could see Crooks on the other building due to the visual angle they had from their location to Crook’s location,” Goldinger said.

Both officers, he added, were at their predetermined posts when Crooks opened fire.

“Their post was the building,” Goldinger stressed. “While one of the officers did leave the building briefly, it was in response to a suspicious person who had not encountered law enforcement despite them notifying other law enforcement of the suspicious person. Even so, that officer returned to the post, and the post was never left vacant as the other officer remained in the building.”

“To say that these officers left their post is a misstatement,” he added.

“These ESU officers and all of the other ESU officers, volunteered their time to be present for the rally to assist the Secret Service. They performed the duties to which they were assigned.”

Yet, the Pennsylvania State Police told Fox News that the agency stands by Paris’ testimony.

According to a partially redacted timeline in an after-action report from the Beaver County police, the police first observed Crooks at 5:10 p.m., then took photos of him at 5:14 p.m., and then spotted him looking at news feeds on his cell phone, and getting out a range finder. The Butler police then called into “command” about a suspect, communicating the description and the range finder and reporting that Crooks was “lurking around the AGR building.”

At 5:45 p.m., there was a text sent to a Beaver ESU command about the suspect, and the person who sent it was told to relay it to “command,” although it’s unclear whether that means the Secret Service command. It wasn’t until 5:55 p.m. that someone on the local team acknowledged sending it to “command.” In a redacted section of the timeline, there’s mention of a redacted individual or entity asking for the direction of the suspect’s travel at 6 p.m., and it wasn’t until 6:05 p.m. that someone spied Crooks at picnic tables and moving with a backpack on.

Then in line with the timing from 6:06 p.m. to 6:12 p.m., one of the local snipers stationed at the AGR building went downstairs to meet “a patrol” and let them know the suspect was “around the building on the side of the fairgrounds.”

At 6:12 p.m., Crooks fired off the shots, and then at an “unknown time” the shooter was “down,” according to the timeline.

Susan Crabtree is RealClearPolitics' national political correspondent.

https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2024/08/02/a_tale_of_two_diagrams_151388.html

'UniQure restructuring but strong cash position'

 Announced RMAT designation for AMT-130 in Huntington’s disease and positive interim Phase I/II data demonstrating the slowing of disease progression and reductions in a key biomarker of neurodegeneration; Meeting with FDA expected in the second half of 2024 to discuss potential for expedited clinical development ~

~ Initiated patient screening for three additional Phase I/II studies in mesial temporal lobe epilepsy, SOD1 ALS, and Fabry disease ~

~ Today, announced an organizational restructuring intended to streamline operations; Together with the recent sale of the Lexington manufacturing facility, these changes are expected to reduce headcount by 65% and lower recurring cash burn by $75 million per year including savings from the retirement of $50 million of debt ~

~ Strong cash position of approximately $524 million as of June 30, 2024, expected to fund operations through the end of 2027 and multiple value-generating inflection points ~

https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2024/08/01/2922648/0/en/uniQure-Announces-Second-Quarter-2024-Financial-Results-and-Provides-Company-Update.html

'FTC to probe stubbornly high grocery prices'

 Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Chair Lina Khan said Thursday that her agency will be investigating the high cost of groceries in the U.S. as chain supermarkets bring in “enormous profits.”

Khan noted at a joint FTC and Department of Justice (DOJ) public meeting that the cost of groceries “skyrocketed during the pandemic, due in large part to the higher costs and supply chain disruptions.”

“But we also know that in the years since, costs have fallen, and supply chains have improved,” she said. “Many items though, are still too costly, and many large grocery chains are still raking in enormous profits. The FTC is determined to understand why. To make sure we can do so, I’ll be asking [the] commission to join me in launching an inquiry into grocery prices, to shed light on why it is that prices and profits remain so high, even as costs appear to have come down.”

A report released earlier this year by the FTC highlighted margin expansion as major factor in stubbornly high prices for groceries.

“Some firms seem to have used rising costs as an opportunity to further hike prices to increase their profits, and profits remain elevated even as supply chain pressures have eased. Larger retailers and wholesalers with considerable leverage over their suppliers were able to take more aggressive action to protect themselves,” FTC researchers stated.

The consumer price index, one common measure of inflation, went down for the first time since the pandemic in June, according to data released last month.

https://thehill.com/business/4808280-ftc-federal-probe-high-grocery-prices-inflation/

Warren Buffett's BofA 'Dump-A-Thon' Grows By Another 19 Million Shares

 Billionaire investor Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway has been offloading tens of millions of shares of Bank of America in the last several weeks. Since we first detailed the selling on Tuesday, Buffett's firm has dumped millions more. 

Let's begin with the note on Tuesday titled "Buffett Disposes 71 Million BofA Shares As Berkshire's Cash Stockpile Rises."

By the end of the week, new data from Bloomberg shows Berkshire sold a further 19.2 million BofA shares

Since the selling first began in mid-July, Berkshire has unloaded 90 million BofA shares, mostly above the $40 handle.

As of Thursday, Buffett's Berkshire remained BofA's largest shareholder, owning approximately 942.429 million shares. 

The size of Berkshire's BofA stake has been reduced to where it was in early 2020. 

Berkshire's rising stockpiles merely reflect the firm's inability to find deals in today's overvalued and weak economic environment. On Friday, economic data in the US showed troubling signs of a worsening employment landscape and rising recession risks.

In May, Buffett told investors at Berkshire's annual meeting that "it's a fair assumption" the firm's cash stockpile would top $200 billion in the near term. The rising stockpile comes as the trusty ole' 'Buffett' Indicator (US Equity market Cap/US GDP) has warned for quite some time about overvalued stocks.

The exact reason for Berkshire's BofA dump has yet to be disclosed. But raising cash could be a sign that Buffett and his team understand deals are ahead. This means valuations in overall markets must go lower.

https://www.zerohedge.com/markets/warren-buffetts-bofa-dump-thon-grows-another-19-million-shares