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Wednesday, July 8, 2026

'KFF: Decoding Medicare Advantage Coding Intensity'

In recent years, federal payments to Medicare Advantage plans, and how they are adjusted for enrollee health status, have come under increased scrutiny. Medicare Advantage plans receive a capitated amount for each enrollee, and these payments are “risk adjusted” based on the diagnosis codes reported by the insurer to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) for each enrollee. Plans receive higher payments for enrollees who are sicker and expected to have higher health care spending, and lower payments for enrollees who are healthier and expected to have lower health care spending. The purpose of this risk adjustment is to ensure plans receive adequate payments to treat sicker, higher-cost patients and reduce incentives to enroll primarily healthier, lower cost, beneficiaries. However, since the approach to risk adjusting payments relies heavily on the diagnosis codes recorded for Medicare Advantage enrollees, it provides a strong financial incentive for private insurers to capture as many diagnosis codes for each enrollee as possible, which increases payments and contributes to higher Medicare spending.  

In contrast, payments under traditional Medicare only require the diagnosis codes necessary to support the services delivered. This means physicians and other health care providers do not have the same incentive to maximize the number of health care conditions documented through diagnosis codes. Differences in coding practices between traditional Medicare and Medicare Advantage (also referred to as coding intensity) mean that Medicare Advantage enrollees appear to be in worse health than they would if they received their Medicare benefits through traditional Medicare. Since the Medicare Advantage risk adjustment model is calibrated on traditional Medicare beneficiaries, the payments to Medicare Advantage plans are higher than necessary to cover expected costs, on average. According to the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC), in 2026, total payments to Medicare Advantage plans are $76 billion higher than traditional Medicare would spend for the same beneficiaries, of which $28 billion is attributed to coding intensity.

CMS has expressed a commitment to improving the accuracy of payments to Medicare Advantage and reducing the role coding practices play in determining the amount private plans receive from the federal government. Toward this end, the 2027 rate notice finalized a policy changing how certain diagnoses are considered when adjusting federal payments to Medicare Advantage plans for an enrollee’s health status. As policymakers and administration officials consider issues related to Medicare Advantage payments, this issue brief answers key questions about coding intensity, recent steps taken by CMS to address the impact of coding on payment, the effects on Medicare beneficiaries, and other proposals to improve Medicare Advantage payment accuracy.

What is coding?

Doctors and other health care providers include diagnosis codes on claims they submit to payers (either Medicare Administrative Contractors (MACs) for traditional Medicare or private insurers for Medicare Advantage) indicating a patient’s health conditions that support the health care services they delivered. The diagnosis codes for traditional Medicare beneficiaries are also used by CMS, along with other information, to develop a risk adjustment model estimating the relationship between a person’s health status (expressed as a “risk score”) and their projected health care spending. Medicare Advantage insurers submit the diagnosis codes documented by health care providers serving their enrollees to CMS for use in adjusting the payments the plans receive from the federal government using this risk adjustment model.

While the diagnosis codes used to develop the risk adjustment model only come from the claims providers submit for services rendered to traditional Medicare beneficiaries, those used to adjust payments to Medicare Advantage plans can be supplemented in two ways. First, Medicare Advantage plans may conduct health risk assessments (HRAs) and include the diagnosis codes for any conditions identified during this questionnaire in what is submitted to CMS – even when there are no related services delivered during the year to treat those conditions. KFF analysis finds that insurers often use rewards and incentives to encourage enrollees to complete HRAs. Second, Medicare Advantage plans may conduct chart reviews, which examine a person’s medical records, sometimes using AI tools, to determine if they are consistent with the information submitted by health care providers to the insurer. KFF analysis finds that chart reviews are used to add diagnosis codes that do not otherwise appear on a record for an encounter with a physician, increasing payments from CMS to Medicare Advantage insurers for one in six Medicare Advantage enrollees.

What is coding intensity?

Coding intensity is the degree to which a person’s health care conditions are documented through diagnosis codes. Differences in coding patterns across groups of beneficiaries, such as Medicare Advantage enrollees and traditional Medicare beneficiaries, or those in Medicare Advantage plans sponsored by different insurers, are described as differences in coding intensity. Higher coding intensity is not necessarily fraudulent, but fraud can contribute to higher coding intensity.

Because Medicare Advantage payments are generally higher for enrollees with more diagnosis codes (and therefore higher risk scores), private insurers have an incentive to document more health conditions, but there is no similar incentive in traditional Medicare. Recognizing this incentive, lawmakers have required CMS to reduce Medicare Advantage risk scores by at least 5.9% across the board before adjusting payments to private plans. However, that adjustment does not fully account for difference in coding patterns, and a number of studies have documented that risk scores are still higher in Medicare Advantage after applying the coding intensity adjustment than they would be if enrollees received their Medicare benefits under traditional Medicare. The magnitude of the uncorrected coding intensity after the adjustment has varied over time, ranging from as low as 2% in 2016 to 10% in 2023, and is estimated to be approximately 4% in 2026, according to MedPAC. The magnitude also varies by insurer and is larger for insurers comprising a larger share of enrollment. See Box 1 for an illustrative example of higher coding intensity and the effect on Medicare Advantage payments.

Box 1. Illustrative Example of How Higher Coding Intensity in Medicare Advantage Increases Payments to Private Insurers.

The risk adjustment model, which is used to assign a risk score to all Medicare Advantage enrollees, specifies “coefficients” for each factor that contributes to a person’s risk score. Each coefficient reflects the average marginal impact, or how much higher traditional Medicare spending is expected to be, due to that factor. To illustrate how coding intensity increases Medicare Advantage payments, consider Mr. Smith, who is 73-years old, living in the community, and received health care services to treat type 2 diabetes and heart failure last year. He is enrolled in a Medicare Advantage plan that receives $12,000 per year for an average Medicare beneficiary (risk score = 1).

If Mr. Smith’s Medicare Advantage plan codes consistent with traditional Medicare, the coefficients from the 2026 Risk Adjustment Model for each of the factors contributing to Mr. Smith’s risk score would be: Male 70-74 years – 0.396, Diabetes with Chronic Complications (HCC37) – 0.166, Heart Failure (HC226) – 0.336, and an interaction for having both diabetes and heart failure – 0.112. Mr. Smith’s risk score would be equal to the sum of these coefficients, 1.034, or 0.912 after applying the 1.067 normalization factor for the 2026 plan payment year (which is used to ensure the average risk score is equal to 1 in years beyond the initial estimation year) and the 5.9% coding adjustment (which applies to all plans regardless of whether they code consistent with traditional Medicare or have higher coding intensity). The plan would receive payments totaling $10,943 for Mr. Smith if he is enrolled the entire year ($12,000 * 0.912).

If instead the Medicare Advantage plan has higher coding intensity, it is possible that an additional diagnosis (or diagnoses) could be added to Mr. Smith’s record. For example, if the plan does a chart review and uncovers that Mr. Smith also meets the definition for morbid obesity, a condition that is documented more often in Medicare Advantage than traditional Medicare, his unadjusted risk score would increase by 0.186, bringing it up to 1.220. After applying the 1.067 normalization factor and 5.9% coding adjustment, his risk score would be 1.076. The plan would receive payments totaling $12,911 if Mr. Smith is enrolled the entire year ($12,000 * 1.076).

As a result of higher coding intensity, the plan receives nearly $2,000 more over the year for Mr. Smith – 18% more – than if it coded consistent with traditional Medicare (Figure 1).

What has CMS done to reduce coding intensity?

Risk Model Revisions. CMS periodically revises the risk adjustment model. Most recently, CMS updated the data used to calibrate the model and changed how certain conditions that were coded more frequently in Medicare Advantage than traditional Medicare were incorporated (or not). The move to the new model (referred to as V28 because it is the 28th version of the model) was phased in between 2024 and 2026.

Following full implementation of the new risk adjustment model, MedPAC estimated that the impact of coding intensity on Medicare Advantage payments has declined from increasing payments by 10% in 2022 to 4% in 2026 (the first year the V28 model is fully in effect). A recent analysis from CMS staff approached the analysis from a different angle – examining what the impact of using V28 would have been in 2022 if it had been in effect. That analysis finds uncorrected coding intensity (after applying the 5.9% adjustment) would have been between 1.5% and 2.0%, compared to 10% under the previous risk adjustment model (V24) that was in effect in 2022. This is consistent with the findings of other researchers, but the estimate for 2022 is not directly comparable to the MedPAC analysis because the CMS analysis modeled the impact of V28 in an earlier year in which it was not in effect, while MedPAC looks at the uncorrected coding intensity using the risk model in effect in the current payment year (2026).

Analyses of Medicare Advantage risk score trends have consistently found that coding intensity grows over time. Thus, the CMS staff estimate that uncorrected coding intensity would have been between 1.5% and 2.0% if the V28 model had been fully implemented in 2022 is consistent with MedPAC’s higher estimate of uncorrected coding intensity in 2026 of 4%, which incorporates growth in coding intensity between 2022 and 2026.

Coding Intensity. CMS also routinely makes other changes to the risk adjustment process separate from moving to a new model. For example, in the 2027 rate notice, CMS finalized a policy to exclude diagnosis codes added for enrollees based on chart review records that are not linked to an encounter with a health care provider (referred to as “unlinked” chart reviews). CMS estimates the new policy will reduce average payments to Medicare Advantage plans by 1.5% compared to what they would have been otherwise. While that estimate is similar in magnitude to the CMS staff estimate of uncorrected coding intensity in 2022 if the V28 model had been in effect, the two are not directly comparable because the impact of removing unlinked chart reviews applies to the 2027 plan year payment.

The use of chart reviews has come under scrutiny because analysis of Medicare Advantage insurers’ coding practices consistently finds that chart reviews are the primary contributor to higher coding intensity in Medicare Advantage. However, chart reviews are likely to continue to contribute to higher coding intensity in Medicare Advantage even after excluding diagnoses from unlinked chart reviews. Based on KFF analysis of Medicare Advantage encounter data for 2022, diagnoses from unlinked chart reviews comprised one-third of all diagnoses added through the chart review process in 2022, meaning that diagnoses from chart reviews that were linked to an encounter account for most of the diagnosis codes added during the chart review process.

Additionally, it is likely that an even smaller share of all diagnoses added on chart reviews will be impacted by the new policy to exclude diagnosis codes from unlinked chart reviews because the condition categories for which specific diagnoses were most commonly added in an unlinked chart review in 2022 were substantially impacted by the move to the V28 risk adjustment model. For example, vascular disease was among the most common conditions added on an unlinked chart review in 2022 that increased payment, but this condition category was substantially narrowed as part of the shift to V28 – meaning that many of these diagnoses codes would no longer count towards payment under the risk adjustment model regardless of the policy change related to unlinked chart reviews. Finally, the impact could be less than CMS estimates if insurers put more effort into linking chart reviews to encounters so that included diagnoses can be considered for risk adjustment purposes.

How are Medicare beneficiaries impacted by coding intensity and changes to the risk adjustment model?

Since higher risk scores increase Medicare payments to plans, higher coding intensity provides plans with the option to offer more extra benefits to enrollees, such as dental, vision, and hearing coverage, as well as reduced cost sharing. In addition, this additional funding from the federal government can be used for other purposes, such as increasing plan margins or paying for more advertising, as long as the Medicare Advantage insurer meets the minimum medical loss ratio required under law. (The medical loss ratio is the share of premium revenues going to pay for claims versus administrative overhead and profit.) 

Industry representatives have raised concerns that payment changes, including efforts to address coding intensity, could result in plans offering fewer extra benefits or raising costs for Medicare Advantage enrollees. While there have been some changes to plan benefits and costs following the implementation of V28, including modest increases in out-of-pocket limits and decreases in some extra benefits, such as the availability of funds provided to pay for over-the-counter drugs and supplies, private insurers have generally absorbed a large portion of payment changes. An analysis of the first two years of the phase in of the new risk score model finds that insurers reduced benefits or raised costs by between 17% and 24% of the anticipated reduction in plan payments. That is a smaller effect than previous analysis of the impact of changes to Medicare Advantage payments, which found that private insurers passed through about half of the payment change in the form of fewer benefits and/or higher costs.

What additional steps can be taken to improve the accuracy of Medicare Advantage payments?

Policy proposals to address the remaining uncorrected coding intensity in Medicare Advantage include expanding the sources of diagnoses that are ineligible for risk adjustment to include all chart reviews and HRAs, increasing the 5.9% across-the-board adjustment to risk scores, or applying a tiered adjustment to risk scores based on historical coding intensity (so plans with higher coding intensity in previous years would have larger adjustments to their risk scores). Additionally, updates to the risk score model, such as those proposed but not finalized by CMS for 2027, may also better align the adjustments for health status to the expected impact on spending by incorporating more recent data to better reflect current treatment patterns and costs.

Beyond coding intensity, favorable selection into Medicare Advantage also increases payments above what traditional Medicare would spend for the same beneficiaries. Favorable selection occurs when the people who enroll in Medicare Advantage have lower actual health care use and spending, on average, than what is predicted by the risk score model. For example, previous KFF analysis found that Medicare beneficiaries who enroll in Medicare Advantage have lower spending than those who remain in traditional Medicare, after adjusting for health risk using the risk adjustment model. MedPAC estimates that the largest component of higher payments to Medicare Advantage plans relative to traditional Medicare is favorable selection into Medicare Advantage. The impact of favorable selection has been relatively stable over time, ranging between 9% and 11%, according to MedPAC; in other words, resulting in payments to Medicare Advantage plans for enrollees that are 9% to 11% higher than costs would be in traditional Medicare. In 2026, favorable selection is estimated to add $57 billion to Medicare spending.

To address the impact of favorable selection on Medicare Advantage payments, policymakers could make changes to the maximum amount the federal government is willing to pay Medicare Advantage plans, also known as benchmarks. One approach is an across-the-board reduction in benchmarks, such as the “discount rate” proposed by MedPAC. This would account for Medicare Advantage enrollees having lower expected health care spending, before any effects of Medicare Advantage plan design, than traditional Medicare beneficiaries with similar risk profiles, on which current benchmarks are based. Other options include expanding the sources of data used in the risk adjustment model to predict a Medicare Advantage enrollee’s costs, such as prescription drug claims, clinical data from electronic health records, or certain measures currently included in the Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems (CAHPS) (see for example, a recent proof-of-concept study). These measures could be applied on equal footing between Medicare Advantage and traditional Medicare, and among different Medicare Advantage plans. In addition, two-sided reinsurance, which would provide additional payments to insurers with enrollees who have extremely high and unexpected costs and require insurers with enrollees with substantially lower than predicted spending to make payments into the program, could be added to the Medicare Advantage payment system. That would reduce the financial rewards for attracting enrollees who use substantially fewer health care services and protect insurers against the financial costs of enrollees who use substantially more health care services.

https://www.kff.org/medicare/decoding-medicare-advantage-coding-intensity/

Platner Suspends His Senate Campaign

 Update: Graham Platner, the Democratic Party nominee for U.S. Senate in Maine, announced Wednesday that he's suspending his campaign. The move comes two days after Politico reported allegations of rape against him by a former girlfriend. He posted an emotional video explaining his decision.

"And I just want to make it clear this is all false," Platner said.

"The things that have been claimed did not happen; it's not real."

He described the past few days as an ordeal no regular person should have to survive, a normal guy suddenly thrust into a spotlight he says he never wanted. He accused the media and the political establishment of skipping the investigation entirely and jumping straight to a verdict.

"I learned about this through press inquiries with no time to truly respond, no time for investigations before a corporate media system and the political establishment got to act as judge, jury and executioner," he said.

"Accusations are supposed to be the beginning of things, not the end."

Platner claimed the allegations surfaced now for a specific reason. His official nomination locks in on July 13, and he says this was the last window anyone had to knock him off the ballot before that happened.

"I only have until July 13th until I am officially the nominee. This was the last week to try to get me off of the ballot, and that's why this is occurring," he said.

He argued the real threat was never the allegations themselves, but what the political establishment plans to do with them. Cut off his fundraising. Cut off his voter data. Starve the campaign of everything it needs simply to function. He made his read on their real preference painfully clear.

"They would rather see Susan Collins win than have me be the next senator from Maine," he said.

He leaned heavily on his June 9 primary win, in which he pulled in more votes than any primary candidate in Maine's history, to argue that whatever happens next should be decided by voters, not party insiders in Washington.

"It needs to be open, transparent, and Democratic," he said.

"Party apparatchiks are not the ones to make these decisions."

Then, the announcement itself.

"We are suspending campaign operations," Platner said, adding that he intends to file paperwork to formally withdraw from the race.

He framed the decision as anything but an admission of guilt; instead, he blamed outside forces for making it impossible for the campaign to continue functioning, even after beating what he called one of the most entrenched political systems in the world just weeks earlier.

"We went toe-to-toe with one of the most entrenched political systems in the history of the world, and we won," Platner said.

"We beat them on June 9th in overwhelming numbers."

Before signing off, he insisted the movement, and the ballot line his name currently occupies, still belongs to the voters who built it, not to party leadership in Washington.

"But now the ball is in the court of the democratic establishment," Platner said.

"My name might be on the ballot right now, but that ballot line belongs to the people of Maine."

Platner closed by thanking his supporters.

"From the bottom of my heart, thank you," Platner said. "Thank all of you and keep fighting. We're gonna win someday."

*  *  *

As we detailed earlier, Graham Platner is supposed to be finished. The Democratic nominee for Senate in Maine faces a rape allegation, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have pulled their endorsements, and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee has told him they won't spend any money on his campaign if he stays on the ballot. He has until Monday to withdraw before Maine law locks Democrats into running him in November, whether they like it or not.

By every conventional measure, Platner should be packing his bags.

Instead, he is negotiating. Platner has reportedly told the Maine Democratic Party that any replacement must match his own ideological commitments, a demand that has left party strategists sputtering. So far, Rep. Valli Geiger (D-Rockland) says Platner is urging her to try and take his place on the ballot. Dan Pfeiffer, once a senior adviser to Barack Obama, wrote on his Substack that continuing the race is not an option for Platner and predicted a "zombie campaign marching on to certain defeat with no support and no resources." Chris Cillizza was blunter on X, telling Platner he has "zero leverage."

Pfeiffer and Cillizza are wrong, and the reason exposes something uncomfortable about the position Democrats have put themselves in.

Platner does not have to withdraw, and the reason he holds most of the cards is simple: the party has nothing it can offer him to leave quietly. The traditional exit ramp for a troubled nominee involves some quiet exchange, a future appointment, a promise of support down the road, and a graceful landing somewhere else. None of that works for Platner because dropping out after winning the nomination, with his baggage, makes him too damaged.

His campaign has also functioned as a vehicle for the Democratic Socialists of America, an organization working methodically to take over the Democratic Party from the inside rather than build a third option outside it.

The other detail Pfeiffer and Cillizza skip past is that Platner won his primary fair and square, and voters knew what they were getting. The Nazi tattoo, the self-described communism, the sexting with multiple women, his old presence on a site associated with child predators, a credible accusation that he abused a former girlfriend: all of it was public before the primary.

When the first abuse allegation surfaced during the campaign, Democratic officials rallied around him, and his campaign posted its best single fundraising day of the race. Sanders campaigned with him at "Fight Oligarchy" rallies. Rep. Ro Khanna flew to Portland to stand beside him. The New York Times even sat on a rape accusation against Platner despite believing the allegation was credible. None of that was a secret to the people now demanding his exit. What changed was the polling.

Democrats spent months rationalizing their support for a candidate they now describe in private as a liability, largely because he looked like their best shot at unseating Sen. Susan Collins, a race the party repeatedly said was central to retaking the Senate majority. For Platner, as long as the numbers held, concerns about his character were excused. Now that the race has tightened, the establishment wants him gone, and it is dressing up a polling problem as a moral awakening.

The Maine Democratic Party is even starting to develop a process to replace Platner, if he withdraws.

"While the Platner campaign remains focused on distracting from the job of defeating Susan Collins in November with false accusations against us, the Maine Democratic Party remains hyper focused on developing a representative, transparent and inclusive process to select a new nominee when he chooses to withdraw from the race," Devon Murphy-Anderson, Executive Director of the Maine Democratic Party, said in a statement. "While we may be frustrated with Graham Platner's continued efforts to manipulate this process, we are so thankful for his supporters and all of their efforts to defeat Susan Collins - they are a vital part of our Party and deserve to participate in an open process to select Platner's replacement."

But, Platner understands the mechanics of his own situation better than his critics do. He has every reason to believe he can either insist on the candidate of his choice to replace him (he’s reportedly urging Maine State Representative Valli Geiger, (D-Rockland) to take his place, but there’s no guarantee the party will back her) or stay in and carry on by simply denying the allegations, and his DSA-aligned supporters are already framing the pressure campaign as a hit job

If Platner drops out, his political career ends with him.

He knows that.

If he stays, national Democrats face an unpleasant choice: abandon a Senate seat they have spent a year calling essential, or hold their noses and back a nominee they cannot control and increasingly cannot defend.

Maine primary voters already absorbed most of what is now scandalizing Washington, and forcing Platner off the ballot risks convincing his base that the accusations are simply the latest excuse from a party establishment that never wanted him in the first place. Platner's defiance is a clear sign that he knows he has all the leverage here, and the establishment must decide what to do about it.

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/contrary-popular-belief-platner-has-all-leverage

Leaked Memo Shows 'Pro-Cuba' NGO Net Preps To Target ICE, US Bases, Federal Buildings

 Independent Cuban news outlet ADN Cuba has revealed that a US-based Cuba solidarity coalition circulated a memo instructing far-left activists to prepare rapid-response protests at US federal buildings, military bases, recruitment centers, and ICE facilities in the event of a military confrontation between the US military and the communist regime in Havana.

The National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a deliberately loose coalition that links 77 left-wing activist organizations, nonprofits, and campaigns while minimizing legal exposure and clear command structures, has recently begun distributing a document for far-left protesters described as a "National Rapid Response Plan."

The memo lays out a target list for NNOC's socialist- and communist aligned NGOs, directing organizers to mobilize against ICE facilities, US military bases, recruitment centers, and federal buildings within 24 hours of any US military escalation involving Cuba.

The document reads less like a typical protest statement and more like a pre-planned foreign subversion operation, with defined targets, response timelines, and coalition infrastructure designed to sow chaos deep within America.

Last month, Secretary of State Marco Rubio sanctioned the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples, or ICAP, a Castro-era organization used to spread Marxist ideology abroad.

As we've pointed out before (see the report), ICAP sits at the center, functioning as a partner to NNOC. Think of NNOC as a pathway for foreign subversion operations to infiltrate US NGOs.

Take a look at NNOC's member organizations, and you might notice several socialist and communist-linked NGOs, including the Democratic Socialists of America, whose members have actively promoted "destroying America from within."

Here's more from ADN Cuba's report, which may help readers understand that some protests and riots on American streets are not always organic.

In some cases, they appear to be highly organized, built through NGO networks, pre-planned mobilization frameworks, activist coalitions, and potentially foreign-linked influence operations designed for unrest, chaos, and the ultimate destruction of the US:

The document not only identifies ICE offices as one of the main protest targets but also explicitly explains why. According to the plan, demonstrations at these facilities would allow to "connect Cuba solidarity to anti-ICE/immigrant defense work happening nationwide."

This would not be the first time that organizations from the so-called "solidarity with Cuba" movement participate in such mobilizations. The No Kings protests, for example, is listed in the 2026 activity calendar of the Seattle Cuba Friendship Committee, one of the organizations linked to this network.

The National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a coalition based in the United States that groups more than 70 organizations, has documented ties with the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples (ICAP), a Cuban state body sanctioned by the United States in June 2026.

On July 1, Secretary of State Marco Rubio characterized that organization as the main "influence and intelligence front" of the Cuban regime and warned that those who maintain ties or conduct transactions with it could face sanctions, legal proceedings, or deportation.

The document also recommends that organizers use a military facility locator developed by Black Alliance for Peace to identify bases and other military infrastructure targets in their respective communities.

It also includes a "power mapping" guide, a methodology for organizing aimed at identifying unions, community organizations, and potential allies in each locality to enhance the campaign's mobilization capacity.  As an additional objective, the NNOC plan recommends organizing actions in sports stadiums during high-visibility events, in order to maximize the public impact of the protests.

The strategy was publicly promoted by Onyesonwu Chatoyer, co-chair of the National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a member of the National Coordinating Committee of the Venceremos Brigade and a member of the Central Committee of the All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP).

In a video broadcast by the organization on June 12, Chatoyer stated that the network had approved the "national rapid response plan" during its spring meeting held in late May. "Across the United States, NNOC organizations are organizing rapid responses in the event of a military attack by the United States on Cuba," she noted.

Beyond defining the places of protest, the plan establishes a uniform timeline for the entire country. If a military action occurs before 3:00 p.m. (Eastern Time), demonstrations would begin that same day at 6:00 p.m. local time in each city. If the triggering incident occurs after that time, protests would be held the following day.

The objective, according to the document, is to facilitate simultaneous mobilization across multiple time zones.

The rapid response plan does not appear in isolation. It is part of the No War on Cuba Campaign Toolkit, a package of materials designed to coordinate communication, political training, and mobilization among organizations affiliated with the National Network on Cuba (NNOC).

The toolkit includes template resolutions for city councils and unions, signature gathering campaigns, graphics materials, "power mapping" guides to identify local allies, social media resources, and political training content.

It also promotes international days of action and support campaigns for Cuba. The materials present a narrative aligned with the official position of the Cuban government.

They include references to the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples (ICAP), videos from Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, and campaigns to promote the lifting of U.S. sanctions and the exclusion of Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. The call coincides with the anniversary of the 11J protests

While human rights organizations commemorate the fifth anniversary of the protests on July 11, 2021—the largest anti-government demonstrations recorded in Cuba since 1959 and after which more than a thousand people remain imprisoned for political reasons, according to human rights organizations—several groups affiliated with the National Network on Cuba (NNOC) are promoting activities in favor of the Cuban regime for the same date.

These include the event "No War on Cuba," organized by the Bay Area Cuba Solidarity Network in Berkeley, California, with the announced participation of Cuba's deputy ambassador to the United States, Tanieris Diéguez, and the embassy's second secretary, Gabriela González. The call is also promoted by the anti-imperialism committee of the East Bay Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) chapter.

Actions promoted by the National Network on Cuba (NNOC) occur in a context marked by the ongoing repression on the island. According to the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), the Cuban regime committed 1,949 repressive actions against citizens during the first half of 2026, while over 1,000 political prisoners remain incarcerated, according to human rights organizations.

. . . 

Together, the "Rapid Response" plan and the No War on Cuba Campaign Toolkit offer a rare glimpse into the organizational structure that the NNOC aims to activate to support the Cuban regime's position in the event of a potential U.S. military intervention in Cuba. The documents illustrate how the network seeks to coordinate protests, communication campaigns, coalition building, and synchronized actions in various U.S. cities.

Related:

With DSA connected to NNOC and ICAP, it only now makes sense why Mark Penn, the former chief White House pollster and strategic advisor to President Bill Clinton for six years, used a Wall Street Journal op-ed titled "The Socialist Threat Is Real" to warn that far-left radicals are hijacking the Democratic Party on Tuesday.

Penn called for "Lawmakers, law-enforcement agencies and journalists should investigate the DSA to see if it is being funded by foreign governments and interests."

In the DSA's own words, it is a "partner" of ICAP, a US-sanctioned Cuban state entity. 

That should help explain why the DSA's rhetoric so often veers from anti-Trump to outright anti-American.

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/leaked-memo-shows-pro-cuba-ngo-network-preparing-target-ice-us-bases-federal-buildings

Iran said to be targeting Jordan, Qatar

 Qatar and Jordan came under reported Iranian attacks overnight.

Several news outlets reported that Qatar was responding to an Iranian missile and drone attack. At the same time, Sabreen News in Iraq said Iranian missiles struck the Azraq base in eastern Jordan.

The claims followed alerts in Bahrain and Kuwait, where air defense systems responded to missile launches in an apparent Iranian response to US strikes.

https://breakingthenews.net/Article/Iran-said-to-be-targeting-Jordan-Qatar/66661692

Anthropic says Claude services hit by 'elevated errors'

 Anthropic PBC confirmed that its Claude AI platform experienced an outage, disrupting access for users, according to its official status page.

The company said it was investigating "elevated errors" tied to Claude Opus-4.8, adding 20 minutes later that it has been resolved.

Reports of service disruptions appeared on Downdetector as the issue unfolded.

https://breakingthenews.net/Article/Anthropic-says-Claude-services-hit-by-'elevated-errors'/66662209

Iran FM Baghaei accuses NATO of complicity in US strikes

 Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei (pictured) accused Europe and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) of "willful complicity" in United States and Israeli military strikes against Iran.

Baghaei claimed that NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte's recent statements confirm that "they were not impartial in this brutal unlawful aggression."

He asserted that "those who provided their territories, military bases, and infrastructure to enable the aggression cannot evade responsibility for their contribution to an unprovoked aggression and its grave consequences."

https://breakingthenews.net/Article/Baghaei-accuses-NATO-of-complicity-in-US-strikes/66662262