RNC Deputy Counsel Bill McGinley talked to Steve Bannon on his show 'War Room' on how the Biden campaign is outsourcing "dirty work" to the DNC and dark money groups.
BILL MCGINLEY, RNC DEPUTY COUNSEL: What we need to do is we need to turn back the clock a little bit. And as I said, there's been some great reporting on this, including books. One, The Blueprint, the other one, The Argument by Matt Bai.
And in 2008 out in Denver at the National Convention, there was a transcript that was released. The Blueprint does, quote, from the transcript. And Rob Stein, who was the founder of Democracy Alliance, really kind of laid out the rationale for why a lot of these progressive billionaires would be willing to invest so much money into this sort of, into this sort of infrastructure.
And Rob Stein, according to the transcript, said, quote, In order to bring about progressive change, you need progressive control of government. In order to get progressive control of government and sustain it, you need an infrastructure. You need organizations to support them, political organization and movement organizations.
The reason it is so important to control government is because the government is the source of enormous power. One president in this country, when he or she takes office, appoints, he says, two million, and then he corrects himself, appoints 5,000 people to run a bureaucracy, non-military, non-postal service of two million people, who hire 10 million outside outsource contractors, a workforce of 12 million people that spends $3 trillion a year. So he, they're looking at this saying, I can spend a billion dollars, two billion dollars, and I can control $3 trillion of budget every year.
STEVE BANNON, "WAR ROOM" HOST: Three trillion dollars is all the discretionary. That's after the transfer of payments. It gets to seven.
But right there, hang on a second, we're going to get all the links out there. This is so powerful. They nail it.
What we talk about all the time, this is, on our counter, is taking apart the administrative state. What they're saying, it's not 5,000. I think it's really 3,000.
Political appointees. Political appointees immediately. Another 1,000 have to be Senate confirmed.
We always get hung up on. In other words, you're a political appointee. You started day one.
Yeah. Hour one. Hour one.
I mean, you were with us the whole time, but I'm saying, boom, as soon as the hand comes off the Bible, that's the 3,000. But he's the first guy to nail it. It's not just the, take the military, that's about two and a half million.
You've got about two million guys in the administrative state. But there's 18 million contractors overall. But about eight million of the contractors are IT guys, et cetera.
Right. They're 10 million, they do it just to get them off the balance sheet. Right.
It's a 12 million that controls $3 trillion. That's the administrative state. McCabe, that's wetting himself, is part of the deep state.
That's the kind of Pretorian Guard rogue element of this. But that's what Project 2025, everything is set to deconstruct the administrative state. And you have the great article today, I'll get up later.
And I think on Yahoo News about the five Supreme Court cases that are coming now for decisions between the now and the end of June, all deal with the administrative state. Because at the judiciary, we finally got Gorsuch and other people in there, but you've got to do it this way too. But these people understand raw power.
That's right. To get progressive change, to turn the United States into a progressive government, a progressive country, you've got to take control of the government.
MCGINLEY: But power comes from return on investment.
They're willing to invest the money to build that infrastructure that gets them into power to control the government. That quote is actually in the book, The Blueprint. And so I look at, so I encourage you to look at it.
From Matt Bai, the argument, after 2004, when President Bush is reelected, they're very surprised by it. As you said, Kerry's advisors start calling him Mr. President until all the final reserves come in. They really go, they become despondent and asked, what happened? And so what Matt Bai describes is kind of the, in his book, is kind of the process that they go through.
It's kind of a grieving process. So it's a good failure or bad failure. And he calls it basically the stages of grief after an electoral defeat, right? First stage is denial.
It's not our fault. We're right. Everyone else is wrong.
The second stage is acknowledgement. Okay. Something here has got to change.
The third stage is the frantic search for the thing, right? We have to find the thing that will save us. And so basically anybody who loses an election kind of goes through those three stages. And I thought that Matt Bai did a very good job of distilling those down.
BANNON: The reason we didn't go through those stages is we didn't lose in 2020. It was stolen, okay? That's a sine qua non of everything we do.
MCGINLEY: So they ask, what can we do to correct this, right? In order to become more competitive.
And so Matt Bai describes kind of the process that they're going through and the ideas that they're hashing around. One of them is called, how are we going to invest donor money? One of them is called the marketplace of ideas. He describes it as kind of a lean, minimalist organization that would hold meetings where political entrepreneurs could pitch donors on their ideas.
The other one's kind of the more traditional philanthropist model, which is donors pool their resources, create central fund to donate to progressive groups. But ultimately, he says they settled on a hybrid approach, which is really how Democracy Alliance comes about. And so in the beginning, they start looking at the holes in their capabilities.
They look at the Republican model at the time, and they say, where are we deficient? So they start funding groups, such as Catalyst, which becomes their data hub. They start funding Media Matters to really kind of scrutinize conservative media and Republican politicians. America Votes, remember that name from yesterday, which is really sort of the central hub of where they try to coordinate their get out the vote efforts.
So there's not redundancy, it's more efficient. And then Center for American Progress, which is supposed to be the policy idea engine. And so they keep going through this, and they begin to do it.
Eventually, what happens is, is they get surprised again in 16 when Trump wins. Then they go through another conversion where what do we do now? Because they were surprised. And they come up with something called a resistance.
BANNON: But they do get eight years of Obama. They get eight years of Obama, right? They get eight years of Obama. And by the way, for all the facade down front about the most progressive, the central thing they get is the greatest concentration of wealth in American history came during that time because the financial crisis of 2008, Obama is the first to admit, I think, Susskind's book, Confidence Men, shows it.
You had Geithner, you had Bernanke, you had all the Wall Street guys basically leveraged up the Federal Reserve, went from $880 billion, $4.5 trillion. All that money, liquidity went into the system to prop up assets and stocks. You never got a bailout.
They did. So they're eight years of Obama. Now they get a progressive guy in the foreground.
That's when they really took control of the country because that was the greatest concentration of wealth to the 1% in the history of the nation. So it was a big win for them already. Then Trump upends, this audience upends.
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