My university, Johns Hopkins, recently announced a series of exceptional measures
in the face of a coronavirus-related fiscal crisis. Suddenly
anticipating losses of over $350 million in the next 15 months, the
university imposed a hiring freeze, canceled all raises, and warned
about impending furloughs and layoffs. Most extraordinarily of all, it
suspended contributions to its employees’ retirement accounts. “Many of
our peers are grappling with similar challenges,” wrote our president,
Ronald Daniels.
That is true. The University of Michigan recently announced anticipated losses of at least $400 million this calendar year. George Washington University likewise anticipates losses in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Stanford University, meanwhile, predicted a $200 million reversal
in its consolidated budget. But while many colleges face challenges, no
major research university moved with as much haste or revealed as acute
vulnerabilities as Johns Hopkins did.
How does a university with a $6-billion endowment and $10 billion in
assets suddenly find itself in a solvency crisis? How is one of the
country’s top research universities reduced, just a month after moving
classes online, to freezing its employees’ retirement accounts?
With its gigantic corporate medical complex and its lucrative
government contracts, Johns Hopkins has emerged as the canary in the
coal mine of elite research universities. It offers important lessons
for the industry as a whole. The vulnerabilities it has revealed result
from disturbing trends that have left the broader world of higher
education dangerously ill-equipped to confront the looming challenges.
For years, the AAUP and other faculty critics have wrung their hands
as norms of shared and deliberative governance disappeared, replaced by
the consolidation of administrative power in the hands of corporate
executives. With little appreciation for transparency or inclusiveness,
and little understanding of the academy’s mission, these managers
increasingly make decisions behind closed doors and execute them from
above.
For those who have bemoaned these trends, the coronavirus crisis is a
moment of truth — confronting us with the consequences of these
transformations.
Consider the process that led to Johns Hopkins’s decision to freeze
employee retirement contributions, which came as a surprise to nearly
everyone affected. In his announcement, the president explained that the
decision had been taken after consultation “with our trustees, deans
and cabinet officers, and a subcommittee of the Faculty Budget Advisory
Committee.” There was no mention of consulting employee unions, staff
associations, or other institutions of faculty governance. There was no
mention of possible alternatives, or of careful, deliberative
assessments about who should bear the financial sacrifices. Certainly,
there were no meaningful faculty votes. (The faculty budget committee is
composed of a small number of members handpicked by administrators, and
lacks formal authority.)
This decision-making process followed a series of measures taken over
the last decade in the pursuit of what the university’s leadership has
called a One University policy. During that time, financial and
administrative authority has been centralized under the president and
his highly paid advisers. Major decisions are made in the president’s
“cabinet,” a body comprising more than a dozen vice presidents and other
senior advisers.
This administrative centralization has come at a serious cost to the
university’s sense of community. In the last few years, decisions taken
by the upper administration have generated a series of controversies, over-policing,
the power to grant tenure, and government contracts, to name a few.
Last spring, students frustrated with the university’s governance
occupied the university’s central administration building.
The result is an erosion of trust among the university’s most essential constituencies on the eve of the coronavirus pandemic.
The president’s cabinet is a curious body — one that has proliferated
throughout higher education, as the values of corporate America
infiltrate university administrations. One would hardly think, based on
the cabinet’s makeup, that it comprises the senior leadership team for
an eminent research university. It looks much more like the C-suite at a
public corporation, with two senior vice presidents, 12 vice
presidents, an acting vice president, a vice provost, a secretary, and
three senior advisers. Of the vice presidents, it seems that only the
provost has significant classroom and research experience. Good as he
is, he can hardly provide a counterweight to the rest of the cabinet
members, who mostly have government, business, finance, or law
backgrounds. Collectively, the number of JDs and MBAs far exceeds the
number of PhDs. As with most universities, the president reports to a
Board of Trustees. But this body, like many across the country, has
become a funhouse mirror of corporate America. At Johns Hopkins, 36
members sit on the board, almost all hailing from outside academia.
Johns Hopkins executives are paid much like their counterparts in the
corporate world. According to the latest available public information,
from 2018, the university’s president earned $1.6 million in salary plus
$1.1 million in deferred and other compensation for a total of $2.7
million. That tidy sum doesn’t include the money he receives for serving
on other boards, including the $310,000 he received that year from T.
Rowe Price — whose chief executive happens to serve on the Johns Hopkins
Board of Trustees.
But the president is hardly alone. That same year, the university’s
senior vice president for finance earned $1.2 million, its vice
president for development made over $1 million, the vice president for
investments made over $950,000. Even the president’s chief of staff
earned over $670,000. Although he earns a salary high in the six
figures, the provost, ostensibly in charge of the university’s academic
mission, did not rank even in the top 10 earners at the university.
All told, the compensation of the 28 key employees reported to the
IRS in 2018 amounted to over $29 million. That sum alone exceeds by
nearly 50% the costs of the pay raises the university would have granted
this year to all of its employees.
Then there is the issue of deferred compensation for top executives.
According to the university’s latest audit, total liabilities related to
deferred compensation amounted to over $130 million — or $30 million
more than the institution will save by suspending contributions to its
thousands of employee retirement accounts this year.
While a handful of top administrators will take a modest pay cut this
year, the university has not said whether any of its executives will
forfeit the sums accumulated in their deferred-compensation plans. I
assume they won’t. There is a searing irony in the fact that these
well-paid officers may keep their lucrative deferred-compensation
packages even as staff and faculty sacrifice the value in their
retirement funds — which are deferred compensation on a far more modest
level. Altogether, these practices do not paint a portrait of an
institution with robust mechanisms of oversight and accountability.
Large research universities are dedicated to the mission of teaching
and research. But they also function like multinational corporations
with tens of thousands of workers, multi-billion-dollar budgets, and
sprawling real-estate empires. So they have brought in experts in
finance, management, and law to help run operations. The problems arise
when these outsiders take primary control of the institution. Alas, we
now learn that Johns Hopkins’s managers failed to position the
institution to weather unanticipated disruptions in its revenue streams.
That charge might seem unfair. The coronavirus, after all, caught the
entire economy flat-footed, from airlines to meat-packing plants to
toilet-paper suppliers. Clearly this particular threat could not have
been anticipated.
But a university is not a corporation that must maximize its
profitability for the next quarterly earnings call. It is, or should be,
an institution with far longer time horizons. Johns Hopkins has
weathered two world wars, a Great Depression, a global flu pandemic, and
multiple economic crashes, the last barely a decade old. Some American
universities are older than the nation itself. These institutions exist
for the long term.
If a president and his leadership team have one principal
responsibility, it is to ensure that the university is on sound enough
financial footing to weather unanticipated crises. Ours have not.
By the way, not everyone was unprepared. Dozens of scholars right
here at Johns Hopkins have spent years studying and preparing for events
like the ones we are now experiencing. So good are these people at
their jobs, millions of people today turn to them for data and guidance
about how to navigate the pandemic. The Johns Hopkins Hospital has had
an Office of Critical Event Preparedness and Response for nearly 20
years.
Meanwhile, what plans did the university’s senior leadership have for
a financial crisis? We now learn that the university was operating on
the thinnest of margins, its finances exquisitely vulnerable to
disruptions at the hospital. With the cancellation of lucrative elective
procedures, huge losses appear inevitable. No one, it seems, thought to
prepare for such a financial disruption — even though all that pandemic
planning took place within the halls of Johns Hopkins itself.
The last financial crisis happened just 12 years ago. Did the
university’s leadership believe another would never come? Then there are
the losses in federal grant money and foreign tuition revenues. Did
anyone think to prepare in the event these were disrupted?
The university set virtually nothing aside in anticipation of these
or any other risks. Instead, the leadership began recklessly expensive
building projects, including the purchase of a $372.5-million building
in Washington, D.C., — a white elephant that had already brought a large
foundation to the brink of collapse.
Perhaps that is to be expected: university leaders, like their
corporate counterparts, are rewarded for their splashy acquisitions and
grandiose construction projects, not for cautious stewardship. In this
short-term thinking, university executives resemble the airline
executives who spent years buying back their own company’s stock only to
find they had no cash on hand when a crisis arrived. People are told to
set aside money to cover 6 months of expenses in case of emergency. It
took just 1 month for Johns Hopkins to launch its dramatic cuts.
What about that $6-billion endowment? “Unfortunately, we cannot rely
on our endowment or philanthropic support to fill the breach,” Daniels
wrote in his announcement. Much of it is held in illiquid investments.
But exceptional times call for exceptional actions. Is it really better
to fund current deficits with employee retirement accounts than to
damage the university’s credit rating with further borrowing? Do those
in a position of power even bother asking what the purpose of an
endowment is? Shouldn’t it serve as a bulwark of financial stability? Or
did that idea disappear with the gradual accumulation of financiers on
university boards and in senior management?
Today, university endowments all too often function like giant casinos, putting more than 75% of their capital
in risky and illiquid assets. Some wealthy universities pay far more in
fees to investment managers than they do in scholarships to students.
We’ve entered a world where, instead of having an endowment to support a
university, the university serves as a tax shelter for the endowment.
Johns Hopkins does not publicly reveal its investments. Available IRS
filings do, however, show that over 9 years it paid more than $88
million in fees to an investment firm whose founder formerly served as
chair of the university’s board. Quite possibly, our endowment pays out
more to its investment managers than our university contributes,
annually, to employee retirement accounts. Was there ever much doubt
which would be cut in a crisis?
The crisis should serve as a moment of clarity. Even as they continue
enriching themselves, university executives have revealed themselves
ineffective in one of the most basic corporate responsibilities:
managing financial risk. In a few short weeks, astonishingly wealthy
institutions across the country were reduced to slash-and-burn
strategies to maintain their solvency. Having consolidated power in
their hands over the last generation, leaders of America’s wealthiest
universities lacked financial reserves — while also squandering the
reserves of their communities’ trust and goodwill. A research
university’s central mission is teaching and research and the production
of knowledge. As faculty, students, and other essential constituencies
have become sidelined, so have academic values and priorities.
University hospitals now operate as money-generating conglomerates,
rather than for research, teaching, and public health. Degree programs
are converted to branded and outsourced revenue machines staffed by
subcontracted labor. Faculty research is valued for its potential to be
monetized and commercialized. In short, our leaders have lost sight of
an essential truth: A university exists for values different from those
that dominate the for-profit world. A university governed by long
timelines and long-term thinking grows conservatively and cautiously and
prepares itself prudently for potential crises. If you turn a
university into a giant corporation, on the other hand, it will rise and
fall with the business cycle.
No doubt the lawyers and MBAs who run Johns Hopkins and so many other
universities are acting sincerely in the best interest of the
institutions as they see it. The problem is that, by freezing out
alternative perspectives and voices from their decision-making bodies,
they have forgotten what a university is and ought to be about.
As the financial tsunami washes over the landscape of higher
education, we urgently need to ask whether we have the right leaders in
place. Are university presidents, their cabinets, and their hand-picked
boards of trustees — all of them so detached from the day-to-day work of
teaching and research — in a position to confront the hard choices that
lie ahead with wisdom and prudence? Can they act with their eye to the
long term? Can they resist using the current crisis to enact further
assaults on the university’s central mission and its norms of
governance?
If not, are we prepared to advocate for a change?
Reform should begin at the top. At a time when major politicians are
proposing that corporate boards include workers, it is astonishing how
few university boards of trustees have seats for faculty, staff, and
students. From there, reform could work its way through the top-heavy
and well-compensated layers of university administration who too often
treat faculty and students like obstreperous nuisances rather than
essential partners in university governance. The decisions we make in
the next few years will have long-term repercussions on what kind of
academic system we are left with when the tide recedes. Those who drove
us into this ditch cannot be expected to pull us out.
François Furstenberg, PhD, is a professor of history at the Johns Hopkins University.
https://www.medpagetoday.com/publichealthpolicy/healthpolicy/86818
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