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Monday, December 8, 2025

BMJ and Cochrane Hype the HPV Vaccines in the Extreme

 The BMJ did it again. Published a highly misleading news piece about a major public health intervention: “HPV vaccine safe and reduces risk of cervical cancer, anti-misinformation review finds.”1

There is no such thing as an “anti-misinformation review.” What we have are systematic and unsystematic, also called narrative, reviews. And there is no such thing as a safe drug. All drugs, including vaccines, cause harm in some people.  

But now we have something we could call a misinformation news piece, better known as fake news, and this is what the BMJ article is. Already the first sentence is wrong: “Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination reduces the incidence of cervical cancer by 80% in people vaccinated at or before the age of 16, according to two Cochrane reviews.”2,3  

The Cochrane Review of the Randomised Trials

The two Cochrane reviews were published on 24 November. One of them was a network meta-analysis of the randomised trials of the HPV vaccines.2 The abstract noted that: “The studies were not of sufficient duration for cancers to develop … No cancers were detected … No data were available for cervical cancer or other cancer outcomes, and no data on pre-cancer outcomes were available for vaccination under age 15 years.” So, how could it show an 80% reduction in cervical cancer?

The Cochrane authors noted that they included more Clinical Study Reports (CSRs) than my research team did for our systematic review from 2020.4 It took us three years to obtain 24 of our 50 eligible CSRs from the European Medicines Agency (EMA) and we based our review on those, as one of us needed to do the review for his PhD. The Cochrane authors included 60 trials and they had CSRs for 33 of them, but nowhere in their 344-page review did they say how many patients these 33 trials included. In their meta-analysis, they also included published trials reports. They had roughly double as many patients with serious adverse events than we had but they noted that “Conclusions about serious nervous system disorders could not be drawn in our review.”

The HPV vaccines had been suspected of causing neurological harms for a long time. In 2008, GlaxoSmithKline informed parents they asked to enrol their daughters in a Cervarix trial that the vaccine had “affected the nervous system.”5

In contrast to Cochrane, we found, against all odds, as the control groups, apart from two small studies, had active comparators, that the HPV vaccines increased serious nervous system disorders significantly: 72 vs 46 patients, risk ratio 1.49 (P = 0.04).4 We called it an exploratory analysis, but it was the most important one because the suspected harms to the autonomic nervous system were what caused EMA to assess vaccine safety in 2015.5

Postural Orthostatic Tachycardia Syndrome (POTS) and Complex Regional Pain Syndrome (CRPS) are rare neurological syndromes that are difficult to identify, and we knew that the companies had deliberately concealed what they found in their trials.5 To assess if there were signs and symptoms consistent with POTS or CRPS in the data, we did another exploratory analysis where we asked a blinded physician with clinical expertise in these syndromes to assess the MedDRA preferred terms (which are code terms the companies use to categorise and report adverse events). The HPV vaccines significantly increased serious harms definitely associated with POTS (P = 0.006) or CRPS (P = 0.01). New onset diseases definitely associated with POTS were also increased (P = 0.03).4

In my role as an expert witness in a lawsuit against Merck, I read 112,452 pages of confidential study reports and documented that Merck used numerous tactics to avoid reporting serious neurological harms of Gardasil, which, in my view, in some cases constituted outright fraud.5 I did several meta-analyses and concluded that there is no doubt that HPV vaccine harms are very common and sometimes severe or serious, and that Merck’s aluminium adjuvant is also harmful. Other expert witnesses documented the same, using other data.6

The Cochrane Review of the Observational Studies

The other Cochrane review3 couldn’t say anything reliably about preventing cancer. It was a review of observational studies, which we know are heavily biased because of the healthy volunteer effect: Those who decide to get vaccinated are generally healthier than others and they are also more likely to get screened for HPV infection. 

The Cochrane review documented this. In the cohort studies, the odds of getting screened were double as high for the vaccinated as for the unvaccinated people.3 Since cervical cancer grows so slowly that regular screening is close to 100% effective for its prevention,5 this bias invalidates the Cochrane review totally. But the authors did not mention this issue in their discussion or abstract, which are therefore highly misleading. They did not even include the healthy volunteer effect in a list of six confounders although it is the most important one. 

The Cochrane authors quoted several observational studies for their lack of neurological harms. During my deposition, Merck’s lawyer counted on some of the same studies, but I have shown that they are highly flawed.5

The authors quoted one of these studies for having found a “markedly lower” risk of death with vaccination, incidence rate ratio for all-cause mortality 0.52 (95% confidence interval 0.27 to 0.97).3 This demonstrates the authors’ bias. A confidence interval with an upper bound close to 1 is not a “markedly lower” risk. Moreover, it is extremely unlikely that HPV vaccination lowers total mortality; in fact, many studies have found that non-live vaccines tend to increase total mortality.6

It is surreal that the authors started out by considering all their studies “high-certainty evidence” (unless specific issues with them were found), which means they were very confident that the true effect lies close to that of the estimate of the effect. It is impossible for a genuine scientist to have such an optimistic starting point for observational studies of preventing cancer. 

Another issue that invalidates the Cochrane review is the poor quality of the included studies. It is shocking reading:3

Of 20 studies reporting on cervical cancer, 9 were at critical risk of bias overall because they failed to control for any potential confounding, 7 were at serious risk of bias, and 4 were at moderate risk of bias.

This leaves only one study! For CIN3+, a cancer precursor, not a single study was without important bias: 22 of 23 studies were at critical or serious risk and one study was at moderate risk of bias. 

It defies reason how the Cochrane authors on this background could call it “moderate‐certainty evidence” that, for those vaccinated at or before 16 years of age, “there was an 80% reduced risk of cervical cancer (RR 0.20, 95% CI 0.09 to 0.44; I2 = 69%)” with no mention that the serious biases invalidate their claim. 

Long-Term Vaccine Harms

The second sentence in the BMJ news piece is also highly misleading:1 “The comprehensive systematic reviews also found vaccination was not associated with an increased risk of long term side effects or infertility.” 

Under the obligatory Cochrane heading, “Agreements and disagreements with other studies or Reviews,” the Cochrane review of observational studies only mentioned our review this way:3 “The evaluation of specific adverse events that are commonly discussed on social media has been more limited than vaccine effectiveness outcomes. These events are rare and often not evaluated in clinical trials (Jørgensen 2020).”

The third sentence in the BMJ news piece was:1 “Researchers said they wanted to share high quality data to counter misinformation spread on social media, which has had a massive impact on vaccination rates.”

To call seriously flawed observational data “high quality” is as bad as it gets. Whitewashing dirty data, Cochrane was the vaccine industry’s useful idiots, and the BMJ happily joined the party. 

Cochrane’s and BMJ’s Scare Campaign

The industry’s marketing strategy is to scare the public with big numbers for disease prevalence and its death toll, and to offer a solution, with impressive numbers for the effect while ignoring the harms and omitting any mention of the financial cost. 

Cochrane uses the same playbook. Nine of the authors on the two reviews were the same and much of the text in the Background section was identical: “Cervical cancer is the fourth most common cancer and the fourth leading cause of death from cancer amongst females worldwide, with an estimated 570,000 new cases and 311,000 deaths in 2018 (Bray 2018). Cervical cancer is a common cancer in young women and people with a uterine cervix, particularly in the 25 to 45 age group (Bray 2018) … even in the UK, with a world-leading screening programme, cervical cancer in females aged 25 to 49 is the fourth highest cause of cancer death.”

Cochrane is nauseatingly politically correct. Why talk about “young women” and “people with a uterine cervix”? Do young women not have a cervix, and are people with a cervix not women? When The Lancet in 2021 had a front-page message about “bodies with vaginas,” many women got offended and one noted that, in a tweet posted on prostate cancer only 4 days earlier, Lancet didn’t refer to men as “bodies with penises.”7

Instead of scaring women with big numbers, Cochrane could have reassured them that their risk of dying from cervical cancer is miniscule. According to official UK statistics, cervical cancer deaths constitute only 0.5% of all cancer deaths and only 0.1% of all deaths.8

Moreover, it is misleading to focus on the 25 to 45 age group. It will surprise most people to learn that about half of those who die from cervical cancer are over 70 years of age5 and that mortality rates in the UK are highest in females aged 85 to 89.8 It therefore rings hollow when Jo Morrision, senior author of the two Cochrane reviews, says that cervical cancer is “still very much a disease of young women, leaving them either unable to have families or leaving young families without their mothers.”1

The BMJ noted that HPV vaccine uptake has dropped by 20% among female students and 16% among male students, and Jo Morrison, said: “The phenomenon of misinformation is worldwide, and vaccine scares in other countries have had a massive impact on vaccination rates in the UK.”

How can she know that? Perhaps people are just better informed today than they were ten years ago and therefore more reluctant to get vaccinated? 

Jo Morrison was the editor9 who approved the first Cochrane HPV vaccine review, published in 2018,10 which my research group criticised heavily.11 The Cochrane review was disgraceful. It had missed nearly half of the eligible trials and at least 25,000 females and was influenced by reporting bias and biased trial designs. Moreover, the authors mistakenly used the term placebo to describe aluminium-based adjuvant comparators, even though GlaxoSmithKline had stated that the adjuvant causes harms, which I and others have documented.5

Back then, Jo Morrison tried to get me fired for my criticism of the first Cochrane HPV vaccine review.9 She wrote a complaint to the Cochrane leadership, which accused my team of causing reputational damage to the organisation, fuelling anti-vaxxers and risking “the lives of millions of women worldwide by affecting vaccine uptake rates,” as Morrison had claimed.12

Vaccine researcher Tom Jefferson from our team said: “If your review is made up of studies which are biased and in some cases are ghost written or the studies are cherry picked and you don’t take that into account in your review, then it’s garbage in and garbage out … with a nice little Cochrane logo on it.”12

More Cochrane and BMJ Nonsense

The BMJ noted that the Cochrane review of the randomised trials found “high certainty evidence” that there was no increased risk of serious adverse events with all four HPV vaccines.1

This is ridiculous. When drug companies have committed fraud by omitting serious harms of their products in their publications, they should not be rewarded for their misconduct by calling it “high certainty evidence.” 

On top of this, the Cochrane review2 has an analysis that shows significantly more serious adverse events with Gardasil 9 than with Gardasil in a large trial comparing the two (P = 0.01, my calculation). This is a smoking gun because Gardasil 9 contains five more HPV antigens and more than double as much aluminium adjuvant as Gardasil.5

Unsurprisingly, the Cochrane review of observational studies3 “was also found not to be associated with a range of specific adverse events that the researchers had seen commonly linked to the jab on social media.”1 Of course not. These studies adressed the benefits of the vaccination, not its harms. 

The BMJ’s final remark was one of political correctness: “Research recently published in the BMJ showed that the HPV vaccination programme was associated with a substantial reduction in incidence of cervical cancer across all social economic groups and can help reduce health inequalities.”1

What the BMJ and the Cochrane authors didn’t say is that people don’t need the vaccine if they are regularly screened. 

BMJ and Cochrane Also Failed Badly in Relation to Mammography Screening

Only two months before these calamities, the BMJ also failed public health badly, this time in relation to mammography screening. It published a cohort study of screening13 and an editorial,14 which I commented upon the next day, also in the BMJ.15

The editorial claimed falsely that “Mammograms can detect breast cancer early, often before a lump can be felt, which improves the chances of successful treatment and survival.”14

First, mammography screening does not detect cancers early but very late. The average tumour size in the randomised trials was 16 mm in the screened groups and 21 mm in the control groups.16 It takes only one more cell division for a 16-mm tumour to become one of 21 mm. If we assume that the observed doubling times are valid from initiation till the tumour becomes detectable, the average woman has harboured the cancer for 21 years before it acquires a size of 10 mm.

Second, in screening propaganda, “successful treatment” usually means less invasive treatment,17 which is also false. Because of substantial overdiagnosis, and because the earliest cell changes, carcinoma in situ, are often diffusely spread in one or both breasts, screening increases mastectomies.18,19

Third, screening does not improve survival. The editorialist claimed that screening reduces breast cancer mortality by 15% and then made the error of equating this with a reduction in mortality. Breast cancer mortality is a flawed outcome that favours screening, mainly because of differential misclassification of cause of death, but also because treatment of overdiagnosed women increase mortality,17,18 and screening does not reduce total cancer mortality (including breast cancer), or total mortality.18 The newest data showed that for the trials with adequate randomisation, the risk ratio was 1.00 (95% confidence interval 0.96 to 1.04), for total cancer mortality, and 1.01 (0.99 to 1.04), for all-cause mortality.20

The editorialist talked about “potential overdiagnosis.” It is not potential; it is an unavoidable consequence of screening.16-19

Moreover, the editorialist claimed that an observational study13 provides “concrete evidence that initial screening reduces mortality,” which is false. The study only claimed that screening reduces breast cancer mortality. It is a huge error that the authors of this study, which was performed in Sweden, did not tell their readers about cancer mortality and total mortality, which would have been very easy to document.

Screening doesn’t reduce mortality and observational studies can never demonstrate reliably that screening reduces breast cancer mortality. They are all biased by the healthy screening effect, which no amount of statistical adjustment can make up for. We should ignore observational studies claiming that mammography screening works. And we should abandon mammography screening, as it is harmful.17

The editorial followed the same deplorable playbook as for the HPV vaccines, with big numbers and fantasies:14 An estimated 2.3 million new cases and 670,000 deaths in 2022. The incidence is projected to increase by 38% to 3.2 million and the mortality to increase by 68% to 1.1 million by 2050, if the current trend continues.

About the cohort study,13 the editorialist said that women who did not attend their first screening were less likely to participate in future screenings and more likely to experience advanced stage breast cancer and higher breast cancer mortality, so “the message is clear: participating in early mammography screening can have a lasting benefit.”14

This message is invalid. We have known for decades that women who do not attend screening cannot be compared with those who attend. It was not surprising to me that the studies the editorialist quoted were published by some of the most dishonest researchers in this area, e.g. Stephen Duffy, Lázló Tabár, Peter Dean, Robert A. Smith, Sven Törnberg, and Daniel Kopans. 

I have documented that some of them even lied about their own research when I caught them in making a serious scientific error.21 Tabár, Duffy and Smith have reported a 63% reduction in breast cancer mortality in those who attended screening and they have even claimed a 13% decrease in all-cause mortality, which is mathematically impossible, as breast cancer constitutes only 2% of all-cause mortality.8

In November, the BMJ finally woke up and published a so-called expression of concern about the editorial and the study it quoted, using British understatements:22

“BMJ was alerted to concerns that messaging in key areas may not be sufficiently supported by the data presented in the work … There is concern that a lack of data about all cause mortality, and/or lack of emphasis on those data, is a critical limitation. This may impact the implications of the work and BMJ is conducting additional statistical review … Both the authors of the research paper and the editorial conclude and/or call for interventions to improve adherence to screening … The call is not sufficiently grounded in the conclusions of the data analysed in this paper … BMJ is in discussion with the authors about what post-publication change to their work is required to ensure that it accurately reflects the results and other relevant evidence, and is transparent about uncertainties.”

The BMJ and Cochrane are onboard the same sinking ship.9,12 When I first published my Cochrane review of mammography screening in 2001, Cochrane refused to let me include the major harms of screening, overdiagnosis and overtreatment.21,23 It took me five years of hard struggle before I got these data into the Cochrane review, which I updated several times later on. When we updated it recently with more mortality data, Cochrane refused to publish the update, with no plausible arguments. This was another major scandal for Cochrane, which caused me to publish the article, “Cochrane on a suicide mission.”23

Is BMJ on a suicide mission, too? Some of us think so and one of my highly respected evidence-based colleagues in the UK says the journal is already dead. Other major scientific journals are also making themselves redundant.24 What we see these years are tragedy upon tragedy in scientific publishing where scientific honesty is less important than political expedience, personal biases, and guild and financial interests. When I analysed 33 BMJ articles about Kennedy’s much-needed vaccine reforms, I found they amounted to character assassination; it was all about faith, not about science, or about the merits of his reforms.25 

References

Dr. Peter Gøtzsche co-founded the Cochrane Collaboration, once considered the world’s preeminent independent medical research organization. In 2010 Gøtzsche was named Professor of Clinical Research Design and Analysis at the University of Copenhagen. Gøtzsche has published over 100 papers in the “big five” medical journals (JAMA, Lancet, New England Journal of Medicine, British Medical Journal, and Annals of Internal Medicine). Gøtzsche has also authored books on medical issues including Deadly Medicines and Organized Crime.

Trump’s Revolutionary Proposal to Clean Up Obamacare Mess

 The Democrats’ pointless government shutdown at least put Obamacare atop the national agenda again—proof that even high wire acts of congressional lunacy can deliver golden opportunities for reform. Not missing a beat, President Trump offered a revolutionary patient-centered proposal to resolve Obamacare’s multiple deficiencies.

It cannot come soon enough. The Affordable Care Act is unaffordable, evidenced by skyrocketing premium costs, crazy deductibles, and explosive taxpayer obligations to cover rising program costs. The return on the Obamacare investment has been in a tailspin: declining personal choice, reduced health plan competition, and growing restrictions on patient access to preferred physicians, specialists, hospitals and other medical facilities. Last year, for example, 80 percent of Obamacare plans had restrictive networks.

When President Obama signed the Affordable Care Act into law 15 years ago, he made several extravagant (and some flat-out false) promises. But Obama’s bold pledge to bend the health care “cost curve” downward—promising “typical” families annual cost savings of $2,500—turned out to be the most punitive policy failure.

Cost Explosion: A comprehensive Heritage Foundation analysis shows that insurance premiums in the nation’s individual health insurance markets jumped a stunning 133 percent between 2013 and 2024, roughly twice as fast as premium increases in the employer-based health insurance market.

Proof that the underlying costs of the program—mostly papered over by taxpayer subsidies—are absurdly high is also evident in the rise of deductible costs. Since 2014, rising Obamacare deductibles have been a nightmare for the relatively small number of people ineligible for generous taxpayer subsidies, such as middle income, self-employed people.

According to the Heritage analysis, the average deductible for self-only coverage reached $7,144 in 2024, while the average for family coverage hit $14,310. In short, the “low premium” Obamacare plans, especially those with narrow provider networks, are the quintessence of what liberals used to call “junk” insurance.

Bigger Subsidies: More than nine out of 10 Obamacare enrollees get generous taxpayer subsidies to cover their premium costs, and roughly four out of 10 enrollees pay little or next to nothing in health insurance premiums.

Amid the Covid pandemic in 2021, President Biden and his congressional allies enacted a temporary enhancement of the already generous subsidies, even lifting the cap to secure eligibility for funding wealthy individuals. Not surprisingly, the total cost of Obamacare’s taxpayer subsidies jumped from $53 billion in 2020 to $138 billion in 2025. If the Democrats’ current proposal to make the temporary Covid-era subsidy enhancement permanent were to become law, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that such a measure would add $350 billion to our budget deficits over 10 years.

Since its implementation in 2014, Obamacare’s comprehensive benefit mandates and massive regulatory regime spiked higher insurance costs. But so, too, has the design of Obamacare’s premium subsidies, which have weakened price competition among health plans. Consider the conclusion of a recent report issued by the Joint Economic Committee of Congress:

“Analysis by the Joint Economic Committee finds that enhanced PTCs ( premium tax credits) have not only outlived their intended temporary purpose, but that both economic theory and accumulating empirical evidence indicate that their design, focusing on maximizing coverage regardless of cost, materially weakens the role of price signals and thereby reduces pressure on insurers to contain costs. As a result, enhanced PTCs perform poorly as permanent policy. They do more to improve the financial outcomes of large health insurers than to reduce healthcare costs for Americans. Indeed, for every dollar that benefits consumers through lower premiums, roughly two dollars are captured by insurers, brokers, and intermediaries or are lost entirely as economic deadweight loss.”

In short, Obamacare is a great program for big insurance corporations and their middlemen, not so much for beneficiaries or taxpayers.

Emerging Fraud. Earlier this month, however, Congressional investigators have uncovered something darker than mere economic inefficiency. In its analysis of the Obamacare insurance subsidies, the Joint Economic Committee reported: “Since the implementation of the enhanced PTCs, the number of enrollees who file no claims has nearly quadrupled, and these individuals now constitute 35 percent of all enrollees. These cases impose fiscal costs and accrue gains to insurers without delivering health benefits, demonstrating that PTCs subsidize idle coverage rather than medical care.”

For big insurance companies, what could be more profitable than collecting on behalf of highly subsidized “enrollees” who don’t file any claims? Or more rightly suspicious for federal investigators?

The mounting evidence cannot be ignored. During a recent hearing conducted by the Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Dr. Brian Blasé, President of the Paragon Health Institute, testified under oath that as many as 6.4 million people were improperly enrolled this year at an estimated cost of $27 billion: “Many of these enrollees were signed up without their knowledge or consent, victims of massive fraud schemes. A staggering 40 percent of fully subsidized enrollees used no medical services in 2024. Many of these zero-claim enrollees are phantoms.”

“Power to The People.” President Donald Trump’s solution to this mess: Give Obamacare enrollees direct control over the program’s health care dollars and allow them to choose the health plans they like. The President targets the problem congressional investigators identified: “The insurance companies are making a fortune. Their stock is up over a thousand percent over a short period of time. They are taking hundreds of billions of dollars, and they’re not really putting it back, certainly like they should.”

Opening private discussions with Congressional Democrats, Trump is adamant that a direct transfer of funds to individuals and families is the only legislative solution he would accept. Though conceptually simple, such a massive funding transfer requires getting the crucial details right. That is why members of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee are already circulating legislative language to provide such direct funding. Meanwhile, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-LA), chair of the Senate Health Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, is proposing to deposit the big Obamacare subsidies directly into personal health savings accounts.

Today, in sharp contrast to virtually every other sector of the economy, individuals and families have relatively little direct control over health care dollars or key decisions, such as the kind of health plan available to them. If individuals and families had direct financial control, health insurers would be forced to compete head-to-head for consumer enrollment—just like insurers do in every other line of insurance—and prove their worth in delivering efficient, high-quality care at affordable rates.

There is no reason, however, to stop at reforming Obamacare. As my Heritage colleagues Ed Haislmaier and Nina Schaefer argue, the White House and Congress should go much further and expand health savings account options in other health insurance markets. Equally important, they note, Washington should pursue an aggressive health care price transparency agenda—spotlighting insurers’ negotiated prices with providers—such as embodied in bipartisan legislation sponsored by Sens. Roger Marshall (R-KS) and John Hickenlooper (D-CO). Fully transparent free markets are not only ruthless in controlling cost and rapidly responsive to consumer demands, but also bountiful in delivering high quality goods and services.

By re-engaging in the Obamacare debate, President Trump may have lit the fuse of a new health care revolution; a creative disruption driven by consumers’ direct control of health care dollars and genuine market competition.

Robert E. Moffit, PhD, is a Senior Research Fellow at the Heritage Foundation. Vivian Ernst of the Foundation’s Young Leaders Program contributed research for this article.

https://www.realclearhealth.com/articles/2025/12/08/trumps_revolutionary_proposal_to_clean_up_obamacare_mess_1151932.html

Biggs Delivers Healthcare Framework to GOP Leadership, Urges Immediate Action

 House conservatives, led by Rep. Andy Biggs (R-AZ), have presented House Republican leadership with a comprehensive healthcare reform framework, calling for immediate legislative action and urging an end to what they describe as years-long delays on conservative healthcare priorities.

On Friday, Rep. Andy Biggs formally delivered the framework to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA). The letter, co-signed by several Republican members including Reps. Eric Burlison (R-MO) and Eli Crane (R-AZ), outlines a sweeping conservative approach and calls for an end to what Biggs describes as a “failing status quo.”

The framework aims to jumpstart House discussions on concrete policy action, advancing a full legislative slate based on already-introduced bills. It is crafted to reflect key elements of President Donald Trump’s healthcare agenda, including codifying executive actions from his administration and rejecting continued funding of COVID-era Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies.

“The time for half measures is over,” Biggs wrote to Speaker Johnson, who earlier in the week encouraged lawmakers to pull ideas together for a broader healthcare discussion. “The American people deserve healthcare reform built on freedom, affordability, flexibility, and choice—not more subsidies, red tape, or handouts for insurance companies.”

At the heart of the proposal is a stark demand to end the extended Obamacare subsidies, which Democrats set to expire at the end of 2025. These subsidies, enhanced under the American Rescue Plan and extended through the Inflation Reduction Act, have become a flashpoint in ongoing fiscal and healthcare debates. Biggs and his allies contend they prop up what they call the “Unaffordable Care Act,” fueling fraud and driving costs higher for taxpayers.

Johnson echoed many of the conservatives’ demands for healthcare reform Tuesday, opposing any renewal of pandemic-era Obamacare subsidies and calling the ACA a fundamentally broken system, the Center Square reported. “It is not the Republicans who broke American health care,” Johnson said. “The Democrats broke health care when they created the Unaffordable Care Act 15 years ago.” He confirmed that Republican lawmakers are “pulling ideas together” and working to build consensus around a conservative alternative, adding, “We’re going to improve the system for Americans and we have good ideas to do it.”

Johnson must navigate a House Republican Conference with widely variant views on health care, including many who want to preserve most of the enhanced Obamacare credits. But the Biggs proposal is a significant step towards jumpstarting conversations for Republicans.

Other Republicans in Congress point to a recent Government Accountability Office (GAO) report showing extensive abuse of ACA premium tax credits. Investigators found that 100 percent of fictitious applicants were approved by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), with tens of millions of dollars in subsidies allegedly disbursed for policies tied to deceased individuals. GOP leaders say this validates long-standing concerns about the integrity of ACA programs.

Biggs’s framework draws heavily from existing legislation already introduced in Congress. Among the key proposals:

  • Rep. Greg Steube’s (R-FL) ACCESS Act (H.R. 1157): Redirects federal support directly to families instead of insurance companies and expands insurance competition across state lines.
  • Sen. Rick Scott’s (R-FL) More Affordable Care Act: Establishes Trump-backed Health Freedom Accounts that send federal healthcare dollars directly to patients, strengthens price transparency requirements, enforces Hyde Amendment protections, and maintains preexisting condition coverage while enabling new state-level flexibility.
  • Rep. Andy Biggs’s Health Savings Accounts for All Act: Expands and modernizes HSAs by lifting contribution limits, removing high-deductible plan requirements, and allowing funds to cover a broader range of expenses including premiums, prescriptions, and healthcare sharing ministry payments.
  • Rep. Tim Walberg’s (R-MI) Association Health Plans Act (H.R. 2528): Allows small businesses to join together in larger groups to access more affordable coverage options by spreading risk and increasing negotiating power.
  • Rep. Kevin Hern’s (R-OK) Choice Arrangement Act (H.R. 5463): Enhances Individual Coverage Health Reimbursement Arrangements (ICHRAs), providing workers with portable, tax-advantaged funds to purchase the health plan of their choice.
  • Rep. Chip Roy’s (R-TX) Direct Medical Care Freedom Act (H.R. 1140): Allows patients to use tax-advantaged dollars for direct primary care arrangements, promoting flexibility and price competition outside traditional insurance networks.

The package also includes Rep. Bob Onder’s (R-MO) Self-Insurance Protection Act (H.R. 2571), Rep. Chris Smith’s (R-NJ) No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act (H.R. 7), and Rep. Gary Palmer’s (R-AL) New Health Options Act (H.R. 1776), the latter establishing an ACA-alternative market with guaranteed coverage for preexisting conditions at lower costs.

Many of these bills reflect Trump’s repeated demands to eliminate what he has called “money-sucking” insurer subsidies and instead “send the money directly back to the people.” In a November statement, Trump wrote:

“THE ONLY HEALTHCARE I WILL SUPPORT OR APPROVE IS SENDING THE MONEY DIRECTLY BACK TO THE PEOPLE, WITH NOTHING GOING TO THE BIG, FAT, RICH INSURANCE COMPANIES.”

The letter sent to Speaker Johnson reiterates this message:

“This is a clear blueprint. Americans should be able to take cost-sharing reduction payments and underlying Obamacare subsidies straight into their pockets, giving them control instead of funneling money through insurers.”

Biggs also emphasized protecting conscience rights and blocking taxpayer subsidies for plans that cover abortion and radical transgender surgeries. The proposed framework calls for codifying these protections—such as the Hyde Amendment, which bars federal funding for abortion—into law as part of any broader reform.

Fraud prevention and fiscal accountability form another major plank. The framework calls for full income verification before subsidies are issued, ending “anytime” enrollment abuse, and ensuring benefits are reserved for citizens and lawful residents. These provisions echo reforms already embedded in President Trump’s Big Beautiful Bill and build on recent findings that improper ACA payments may exceed $27 billion annually.

Despite past criticism from Democrat leaders, including House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY)—who has accused Republicans of lacking healthcare ideas—Biggs’s letter disputes that claim directly:

“For those claiming Republicans do not have a plan to address the health care needs of this country, nothing could be further from the truth. Dozens of bills are already on the table, many ready for a vote right now.”

The proposed roadmap not only answers calls for a Republican healthcare plan but seeks to unify conservatives behind a specific legislative path that integrates affordability, transparency, patient control, and accountability—key themes central to Trump’s own policy legacy. The framework also sets a legislative red line, pressuring House leadership to act swiftly or face mounting conservative frustration.

With Obamacare premiums continuing to rise despite enhanced subsidies, and with the expiration of those subsidies approaching, conservative lawmakers insist now is the time to act. The framework represents a pivotal conservative strategy to seize the healthcare debate heading into 2026.

“Republicans are overflowing with solutions,” Biggs said in the accompanying press release. “What we lack is urgency. It’s time to show the country the depth of our ideas and the strength of our vision. Now is the moment to act.”

https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2025/12/06/exclusive-biggs-delivers-healthcare-framework-gop-leadership-urges-immediate-action/

Trump Scores Big Win on Drug Prices, Trade

 In the ongoing effort to reduce drug costs for Americans without jeopardizing our unrivaled access to lifesaving medicines, our most important concern remains avoiding government price controls that only end up making their targeted products unavailable.  

In that endeavor, President Trump notched an enormous win for American consumers this week through a new trade agreement with the United Kingdom.  

Under the terms of the deal, the U.K. will relax its artificial drug price controls, and in return the U.S. will refrain from imposing tariffs on British medicines, pharmaceutical ingredients and medical devices.  That constitutes a win/win for both nations.  

For decades, America has led the world in drug innovation, accounting for approximately two-thirds of all new medicines introduced to the world annually.  That’s the direct result of our greater emphasis on free markets and protection of intellectual property (IP) – patents, copyrights, trademarks and trade secrets – compared to the rest of the world.  

Unfortunately, over time that has cultivated a “free rider” problem vis-à-vis the rest of the world.  

Specifically, just as America’s military has underwritten global security since World War II, our enormous pharmaceutical investment in research and development has provided the rest of the world with access to lifesaving medicines created here.  Those beneficiary nations proceed to impose government price controls under the guise of “negotiations” on price.  

Those governments don’t negotiate, however – they dictate.  Drug innovators are given a take-it-or-leave-it capped price, often far below market value.  Americans consequently shoulder an outsized share of the world’s R&D bill because prices aren’t centrally fixed here, while consumers in more controlled markets wait longer – or forever – for new innovative medicines.  

Simply put, for too long Americans have disproportionately subsidized the world’s drug innovation pipeline.  Other advanced nations enjoy U.S.-created pharmaceuticals, but impose drug price controls that leave Americans carrying a disproportionate burden of global innovation costs.  

To rectify that free-rider state of affairs, some advocate a misguided proposal to import those other countries’ price controls here to America.  Recently, that idea has assumed the name of “Most Favored Nation” programs, under which the U.S. government would cap drug prices at the lowest price paid by other developed nations.  Under their logic, imposing other nations’ price controls here at home would somehow force those other nations to begin adjusting their prices upward toward market value.  

As noted above, however, those price controls don’t bring drug costs down – they make targeted drugs unavailable.  It’s magical thinking to believe that we can copy the price control without copying the shortage.  

A better idea existed, however, and the Trump Administration just put it into practice:  Use trade negotiations with other countries to force binding commitments to remove their market-distorting price controls.  

In the same way that President Trump has successfully pressured Europeans to increase defense spending after decades of free-riding on U.S. defense spending, he employed tough trade negotiations to end their exploitation of American pharmaceutical R&D.  

That’s precisely what happened when Trump finalized the agreement with the U.K. government.  After years of moralizing about pharmaceutical “overpricing,” they agreed to pay a more fair market price for medicines.  In return, we dropped the specter of tariffs on their pharmaceutical and medical products.  

Both sides can call it a win, and on this occasion they’re right.  

American preeminence in lifesaving pharmaceuticals is no accident.  Rather, it’s the direct result of the U.S. emphasizing markets over mandates compared to our global counterparts.  Innovation is costly, uncertain and gradual – unless governments begin suffocating it with price controls and weak patent protections.  

Accordingly, the U.S. should export our proven policies, not import other countries’ failed price control policies via Most Favored Nation proposals or any other schemes.  In that spirit, President Trump’s agreement with the U.K. points the way.  Instead of setting prices, Washington raised the bar on expectations abroad.  If other nations want lifesaving medicines invented in the U.S., let them stop treating American consumers as beasts of burden.  

Going forward, the choice is straightforward:  Do we import the failures of foreign bureaucracies, or do we export our proven policies to our trading partners?  This week, we opted for the latter, and for that consumers in both the U.K. and America can be grateful. 

Timothy H. Lee is Senior Vice President of legal and public affairs at the Center for Individual Freedom.

https://amac.us/newsline/politics/trump-scores-big-win-on-drug-prices-trade/