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Monday, January 13, 2025

The Battle to Define Unreasonable Risk

 The EPA, tasked with protecting the environment and human health, is a perennial ping-pong ball for every incoming administration. With yet another leadership shuffle on the horizon, the question isn't "What will change?" but "How fast can we undo the last four years?" The issue du jour? The meaning of "unreasonable risk" under the Chemical Safety Act, which Congress thoughtfully left undefined. Why bother writing clear laws when you can leave it up to a revolving door of bureaucrats and lawsuits?

In a matter of days, there will be a change of administration at the EPA. An essential but overlooked concern is whether the EPA will return to its initial definition of “unreasonable risk” under the Chemical Safety Act, known as the amended TSCA. This is just one example of the policy back and forth that occurs with changing Administrations due to Congress not defining the critical elements of legislation and deferring these decisions to the EPA – the result is a ping-pong of science-based policy decisions that have significant ramifications for businesses, the public, and the entire country.   

The Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) was passed in 1976 to regulate both new chemicals coming to the market and existing chemicals harmful to human health and the environment. In 2016, the Frank R. Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act was passed overwhelmingly to address the shortcomings of the original TSCA to “strengthen EPA’s regulatory authority and establish clear processes and timelines for identifying, assessing, and managing chemicals in commerce that present unreasonable risks.”    

The Chemical Safety Act (CSA) laid out a three-step process for regulating existing chemicals: 

  1. Prioritization of chemicals of concern as low or high-priority
  2. EPA risk determination of whether the chemical presents an unreasonable risk of injury to health or the environment under the conditions of use. [1]
  3. Risk management regulations to eliminate those risks found to be unreasonable. 

Unfortunately, Congress failed to define “unreasonable risk,” setting off nine years of policy debate. The risk management regulations are the most crucial step in the three-step process because this is where EPA sets forth the means to limit exposure to chemicals. For example, as discussed in my previous article on methylene chloride, EPA’s recent risk management rules for methylene chloride banned many of its uses, including the manufacturing, processing, and distribution of methylene chloride for all consumer uses and most industrial and commercial uses, including paint and coating removers. Another example is decabromodiphenylether (decaBDE), where, in managing risk, the EPA banned the manufacture, processing, and most uses but allowed the recycling of decaBDE-containing plastic products.  

 Trump Administration (2016-2020)

In 2017, the EPA published a Risk Evaluation Rule establishing a process for conducting risk evaluations for chemicals under the CSA. The EPA did not define “unreasonable risk” in this rule. Instead, it said it would consider several factors, including the effects of the chemical on human health and the environment, the population exposed, and the severity of the hazard, in determining unreasonable risk. Additionally, the EPA stated that it had discretion in deciding which conditions of use it would consider in the risk evaluations, allowing it to issue individual risk determinations based on one condition or any combination of uses. 

Subsequently, several advocacy groups filed a lawsuit, arguing that in the risk evaluations, the EPA should: 

  • Evaluate conditions of use collectively, not individually
  • Not be able to exclude some conditions of use from the risk evaluations
  • Not be able to exclude legacy (historical) activities. 

In 2019, the Court dismissed the petitioner’s first two arguments but agreed with their 3rd argument that the EPA’s exclusion of legacy uses contradicted the CSA. [2]

Risk evaluations were completed in 2020 for seven chemicals: 1,4-Dioxane, 1-Bromopropane, Carbon tetrachloride, Methylene chloride, N-Methylpyrrolidone (NMP), Tetrachloroethylene (TCE), and Perchloroethylene (PCE), designated in the CSA to be completed first. All seven chemicals were determined to not present an “unreasonable risk,” using selected conditions of use and assuming all workers used personal protective equipment (PPE). Risk management rules for all seven chemicals were not completed by the end of 2020 and the change in Administration.  

In June 2021, the newly elected Biden Administration withdrew the risk evaluations conducted under the Trump administration and finalized a revised version of the 2017 Risk Evaluation Rule in 2024. The revised Risk Evaluation Rule required the risk evaluations to:

  • Culminate in a single risk determination on the chemical substance rather than on individual chemical uses
  • Consider all exposure pathways, even if already regulated under other statutes,
  • Revisit the assumption that all workers use PPE.

Biden Administration (2021-2024)

In 2022 and 2023, using the newly revised rules, the EPA reversed the Trump EPA's decision, determining that all seven presented “an unreasonable risk.” Concerned with getting risk management rules for these chemicals out before the change of Administration, the EPA finalized risk management regulations for all these chemicals in the last few months of 2024.   

2025 and beyond  

It won’t shock anyone if the Trump Administration reverses course on the recently completed risk evaluations and risk management rules. This back and forth means that regulation of these chemicals is stuck in limbo. This could have been avoided if Congress had done its job when writing the CSA and not left the definition of important terms to Agency discretion.  

A significant new factor is the recent Chevron decision by the Supreme Court limiting the deference to Agencies in areas of statutory ambiguity. In practice, this may be a limiting factor in one Administration’s total reversal of the previous Administration’s rules. Because with deference no longer given to the Agencies, an Administration may make much narrower and more targeted changes, recognizing that the Courts will no longer provide them with automatic deference. 

The saga of "unreasonable risk" continues, leaving businesses, public health, and the environment stuck in a holding pattern. With Congress punting its responsibilities and agencies playing policy tug-of-war, the real casualties are the people and industries waiting for clarity. The future of chemical safety looks as unpredictable as ever.  

[1] The second element, “conditions of use,” is defined as ‘‘the circumstances, as determined by the Administrator, under which a chemical substance is intended, known, or reasonably foreseen to be manufactured, processed, distributed in commerce, used, or disposed of.’’     

[2] Interestingly, the Biden Administration often uses the dismissed part of the lawsuit regarding the collective evaluation of conditions of use to justify their actions, ignoring the fact that the Court dismissed this argument. 

Susan Goldhaber, M.P.H., is an environmental toxicologist with over 40 years’ experience working at   Federal and State agencies and in the private sector, emphasizing issues concerning chemicals in drinking water, air, and hazardous waste.  Her current focus is on translating scientific data into usable information for the public. 

https://www.acsh.org/news/2025/01/13/battle-define-unreasonable-risk-49234

Time to Put the Inflation Reduction Act on Ice

 America’s seniors won’t be fooled. The Biden Administration and its congressional allies passed the ironically named Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) in 2022 without attracting a single Republican vote, touting the legislation as a win for bringing down drug costs for Medicare beneficiaries. What its backers didn’t say is that the law would cause seniors’ out-of-pocket Medicare costs to dramatically increase and irresponsibly limit drug access while siphoning Medicare off to other Democrat pet projects. 

Seniors know that the IRA dealt them a raw deal and they’re furious, as a recent AMAC Action-sponsored poll conducted by ProMark Research reveals. The broad consensus among seniors over the IRA’s impact on Medicare costs, drug access, and green energy subsidies is significant given that the survey is drawn from a diverse group of 800 participants, with political affiliations spanning 39% Republican, 33% Democrat, and 25% Independent and which is 46% men and 54% women. 
Respondents were particularly outraged over the IRA’s changes to Medicare’s prescription drug coverage program (Part D). A staggering 83% expressed concern about rising premiums. Now, keep in mind that the IRA’s backers promised to make the Medicare Part D beneficiaries better off by mandating caps on out-of-pocket expenses and limiting base premium increases. And part of that plan meant shifting costs to insurance companies serving Part D. As a result, Part D premiums in some cases increased by over 400% in just two years. Some companies have left the Part D market, leaving Medicare beneficiaries with fewer plan choices and restricted access to care. 
Adding to their frustration, respondents viewed subsidies to insurance companies meant to hide the rising cost of premiums (in an election year) as a misuse of taxpayer money. An overwhelming 78% of the senior voter respondents opposed ongoing government subsidies to insurance companies. These subsidies were part of an 11th hour “demonstration” gimmick the Biden administration cobbled together to rescue the act from some of it’s most damaging, but predictable, consequences. 
For seniors on fixed incomes, even small increases in healthcare costs can be devastating. Respondents frequently cited fears of being priced out of their plans and losing access to critical medications. The narrowing of prescription drug plan options—down 11% in 2024 and projected to drop another 26% in 2025—compounds their concerns. 
Major drug companies have already cited the IRA as the reason for pulling back on their development of new drugs, because with price controls, they don’t have the money for research. It can cost more than $2.5 billion just to develop a single drug. This is going to hurt seniors, who take more prescription medications than the general population. There has been a reported 36% decline in new drug trials just since the Act’s passage. And 135 cures for diseases may never be developed as a result of the IRA, according to University of Chicago economist Tom Phillipson. Seniors are justly alarmed over delayed or lost advancement in life-saving treatments and cures, with 86% of seniors in the survey agreeing that efforts to reduce costs should not hinder access to essential medications. 
The survey revealed that seniors are particularly incensed about taxpayer-funded green energy subsidies. The poll reveals that 83% of respondents are either "very concerned" or "somewhat concerned" about billions of taxpayer dollars benefiting a small, wealthier segment of Americans. They’re understandably upset that the IRA is diverting hundreds of billions of dollars from Medicare programs toward green energy schemes such as electric vehicle credits, which almost exclusively benefit people with substantial incomes. The policy could scarcely be more out of touch with the everyday struggles of average Americans, particularly seniors living on fixed incomes. 
One of the strongest takeaways from the AMAC Action poll is the overwhelming support among seniors for reallocating IRA funds back to Medicare. Across the political spectrum, fully 85% of respondents agreed that Congress should redirect funds diverted from Medicare for green energy subsidies and other initiatives to reduce Medicare costs for seniors. Many argued that these funds should be used to lower premiums, reduce out-of-pocket expenses, and expand coverage options—critical priorities for their financial and physical well-being. 
The AMAC Action poll underscores the growing consensus that the current trajectory of Medicare under the IRA is unsustainable and requires immediate attention. Seniors are united in calling for the realignment of federal spending priorities to better serve their healthcare needs. In fact, a decisive 70% of respondents support pausing or suspending the IRA’s implementation to address its flaws or consider a repeal.  
At a minimum, the incoming Trump administration should pause execution of this harmful program long enough to gather feedback and implement needed reforms to mitigate its damaging consequences. Better yet, the Trump administration should use the pause to navigate the law through full repeal. 
Andy Mangione is Senior Vice President at AMAC Action, the advocacy affiliate of AMAC – Association of Mature American Citizens, an organization representing Americans who are age 50-plus.  

Trump threats ‘terrified’ Hamas into hostage negotiations: JD Vance

 U.S. Vice President-elect J.D. Vance said on Sunday that the hostage-deal talks between Israel and Hamas are progressing because the Gaza terrorist organization is “terrified” by Donald Trump’s warnings.

Speaking on Fox News, Vance also shed some light on what those threats could mean in practice.

“It means enabling the Israelis to knock out the last couple of battalions of Hamas and their leadership. It means very aggressive sanctions and financial penalties on those supporting terrorist organizations in the Middle East. It means actually doing the job of American leadership,” said Vance of Trump’s comments at the end of December.

“We’re hopeful there’s a deal that’s struck toward the very end of the Biden administration, maybe the last day or two,” he said. “But regardless of when that deal is struck, it will be because people are terrified that there are going to be consequences for Hamas.”

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Vice President-elect JD Vance visits “Fox News Sunday” with anchor Shannon Bream at FOX News D.C. Bureau on January 11, 2025 in Washington, DC.Getty Images

President-elect Trump has issued a number of warnings to Hamas that there will be “hell to pay” if the Israeli hostages held captive in the Gaza Strip are not released by the time he returns to office on Jan. 20.

When asked recently by American political commentator Hugh Hewitt to elaborate, Trump replied, “I don’t think I have to go into it. … But it won’t be the word ‘don’t,’ you know. I heard the word ‘don’t,’ you can add that into it, but that would just be a small part of it. … Those hostages have to get out. They have to get out now.”

Speaking to ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday, incoming U.S. National Security Advisor Mike Waltz reiterated Trump’s warnings, stressing that waiting past Trump’s inauguration to strike an agreement will only worsen the terms for Hamas.

US President-elect Donald Trump speaks to members of the media following a meeting with Republican senators at the US Capitol in Washington, DC, US, on Wednesday, Jan. 8, 2025.Bloomberg via Getty Images“Any deal will only get worse for Hamas, and there will be all hell to pay in the Middle East if we continue to have this kind of hostage diplomacy,” Waltz warned.

“Let’s allow our hostages to be set free. I want to see them walking across the tarmac, or at a minimum some type of agreement before inauguration, because President Trump is serious,” he added.

A high-level Israeli delegation has already arrived in Doha, Qatar for critical talks aimed at cementing a deal.

Among the senior personnel participating are Mossad Director David Barnea, Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) chief Ronen Bar, Maj. Gen. (res.) Nitzan Alon, the head of the Missing and Captive Soldiers Section in the Military Intelligence Directorate and the prime minister’s political adviser Ophir Falk.

Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff arrived in Israel on Saturday in what was described as a “surprise visit” to discuss the multilateral negotiations with Hamas for the release of Israeli hostages and a ceasefire in Gaza.

After a situation assessment discussion held by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the delegation was instructed to leave for Doha.

https://nypost.com/2025/01/13/world-news/trump-threats-terrified-hamas-into-hostage-negotiations-jd-vance/

AbbVie, REGENXBIO Update on Wet AMD Program

 ABBV-RGX-314 in Wet Age-Related Macular Degeneration (wet AMD), Subretinal Delivery

Data from the ATMOSPHERE® and ASCENT™ pivotal trials evaluating the safety and efficacy of the subretinal delivery of ABBV-RGX-314 in patients with wet AMD are expected in 2026.

ABBV-RGX-314 in Diabetic Retinopathy (DR), Suprachoroidal Delivery
AbbVie and REGENXBIO will plan a Phase 3 clinical program. The clinical program will utilize the in-office SCS Microinjector® to deliver gene therapy to the suprachoroidal space of the eye.

https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/abbvie-and-regenxbio-announce-updates-on-the-abbv-rgx-314-clinical-program-302348797.html

Mirum prelims, cash, outlook

  2024 net product sales of approximately $336 million exceeds upper end of guidance range; preliminary and unaudited estimate

- 2025 expected global net product sales of $420 million to $435 million

- VISTAS study of volixibat in primary sclerosing cholangitis expected to complete enrollment in second half 2025; topline data expected 2026

https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20250113693031/en/