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Sunday, May 3, 2026

Left's Reaction To Arrest Of The Latest UK Stabbing Is As Predictable As It Is Disgraceful

 by Paul Birch via DailySceptic.org,

These people have never been in a life-or-death situation like the arresting officers

One would think that even when the police successfully detain a suspect who was alleged to have been conducting a marauding knife attack, the professional activists would have a day off.

But you would be wrong. Amid all the ‘Don’t Look Back in Anger’ cliché bingo, voices of criticism were heard. Among them, the blue-tick career race-baiter Shola Mos-Shogbamimu. She was quick to take to X following yesterday’s attack on the Jewish community in Golders Green, north London. The 45 year-old suspect, a British national of Somali origin, had reportedly stabbed two Jewish men at random. The suspect – depressingly, inevitably – had previously been referred to the Government’s counter radicalisation programme, Prevent.

Shola Mos-Shogbamimu criticised police officers who are shown kicking the suspect in the head while he is on the ground. She opined:

Contemptible abuse of police power. Why kick him in the head several times when he’s already Tasered and in your control? Should he not be alive to be brought to justice in a court of law for stabbing two Jews??!! Disgusting.

Also, Green Party leader Zack Polanski, still playing at politics, was quick to condemn the actions of the arresting officers, using a retweet to maintain that:

Essentially his (Commissioner Mark Rowley’s) officers were reportedly and violently kicking a mentally ill man in the head when he was already incapacitated by taser.

What Shola, Zack and other commentators do not understand – because they have never been in a life-or-death situation – is that force is not judged by how it looks in a six-second clip. It is judged by necessity in the moment. These keyboard warriors have no idea what it’s like to face immediate and possibly lethal violence armed with often nothing more than some irritant spray and a stick. Your priority is to keep members of the public safe, followed by yourselves as much as possible.

These officers would have had no idea in such a fast moving situation whether the suspect was acting alone or as part of a cell. He needed to be neutralised as soon as possible in order to keep people safe. He wasn’t showing his hands; he was still holding a bloodied weapon that he had just used to attack Jewish members of the public; he had been moving rapidly towards them, and they would have had no idea if he was wearing an explosive vest (wearing a coat on a warm day is never a good sign).

Policing is not theatre. It is not performed for social media approval. It is messy, fast and often brutal. Because the people officers deal with are messy, fast and often brutal. A man armed with a knife who has already stabbed two people, who refuses repeated commands to disarm and who continues to pose a threat even after being tasered, is not “under control”. He is an active danger until the weapon is removed. That is the reality, no matter how uncomfortable it makes Left-leaning commentators feel.

The idea that officers should politely wait or somehow apply ‘gentler’ tactics while a suspect still has the capacity to kill is not just naïve in the extreme, it is dangerous. It puts officers’ lives at risk. It puts the public at risk. And it reveals a complete detachment from reality (I am reminded of the occasion when then Labour Party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, declared that Islamic State murderer Mohammed ‘Jihadi John’ Emwazi should have been arrested in war-torn Syria rather than killed.)

This is the gap at the heart of modern public debate on policing. One side deals in real-world consequences. The other deals in optics. The officers in Golders Green had seconds to act. Not minutes. Not the luxury of hindsight, slow-motion replays or viral commentary. Seconds. In those seconds they made unquestionably the right decision: remove the threat as quickly as possible, by whatever means necessary short of lethal force. And that point matters. Because the same voices now condemning ‘excessive force’ would be the first to demand answers if those officers had hesitated and others had been stabbed.

There is also an uncomfortable truth that many would rather avoid: this attack was not just violent, it was targeted. Two visibly Jewish men were attacked in broad daylight in a part of London with a large Jewish community. That context matters. It should matter. It’s part of an ever growing pattern of antisemitic attacks carried out by people holding extreme Islamist ideologies.

Yet instead of sustained outrage about antisemitic violence, the conversation was almost immediately derailed, redirected toward the conduct of the officers who stopped it. That inversion of priorities is telling.

It reflects a culture where the instinct is no longer to back those who confront violence but to scrutinise them first, and often most harshly. Where the benefit of the doubt is extended to offenders, those enforcing the law are expected to meet an impossible standard of perfection under extreme pressure – often from their own senior management.

And it is precisely this culture that erodes effective policing. If every split-second decision is second guessed by people with no operational understanding, officers will become more hesitant. More risk-averse. Less pro-active. That is not compassion. It is a recipe for more victims.

None of this means police should be beyond scrutiny. Of course they shouldn’t be. But scrutiny requires context. It requires full evidence. It requires intellectual honesty. A selectively edited clip on social media is not scrutiny. It is propaganda. That is the real issue here.

Not just one commentator getting it wrong, but an entire ecosystem that rewards outrage over accuracy, speed over truth and narrative over fact. The Metropolitan Police, to their credit, did something increasingly necessary: they put out the full body-worn footage. They showed the public what actually happened. And when people saw the complete picture, the narrative collapsed. Because reality is stubborn like that.

In the end, strip away the noise and the incentives of social media and the situation becomes very simple. A violent attacker stabbed two innocent men. Two unarmed officers confronted him. They stopped him. They went home alive, and so did everyone else.

That is not a scandal. That is policing working exactly as it should.

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/lefts-reaction-arrest-latest-uk-stabbing-predictable-it-disgraceful

"They Threw It Away": Airline Lobby Chief Says Democrats Accelerated Spirit Airlines' Demise

 Summary:

  • Airlines For America CEO Chris Sununu Blasts Democrats For Spirit's Death Spiral

  • Duffy Pledges Relief For Customers, Workers

  • Spirit Airlines Is Dead, Flights Canceled

Head Of Airlines Lobbying Group Blasts Democrats For Spirit's Death Spiral

Chris Sununu, president and CEO of Airlines for America, the lobbying group representing major U.S. passenger and cargo airlines, blasted Democrats under the Biden-Harris regime era for accelerating bankrupt Spirit Airlines' demise after the blocked Spirit-JetBlue merger. 

This aged well!

"In their own BIG GOVERNMENT way, they said, no, we won't allow [the merger] to happen! And THIS is the result! What folks warned was going to happen ultimately came to fruition, unfortunately," Sununu told Fox News.

He continued, "The opportunity that an airline like Spirit creates for those kinds of working-class customers, if you will, they have a lot of low fares, a lot of that point-to-point stuff that those consumers really relied on, they threw it away!"

"They absolutely threw it away! They had the opportunity to make sure they could survive. They didn't want to look at the math," he emphasized, adding, "They didn't want to understand the business models."

Sununu commended President Trump for putting together a rescue deal to save the bankrupt airline. But as of Saturday morning, the liquidation process had begun, with all flights canceled.

The collapse of bankrupt Spirit Airlines Now Official

After several failed attempts by the Trump administration to engineer a rescue package, including a proposed $500 million financing deal that could have left the U.S. government with control of up to 90% of the budget carrier, negotiations broke down late this week.

By Saturday morning, Spirit had begun winding down operations, with all flights canceled and the carrier entering liquidation mode.

The outcome marks the final flight for the budget airline, crushed by years of operational stress, failed merger attempts, mounting debt, and a brutal jet-fuel price shock that derailed its efforts to emerge from bankruptcy this summer.

The Trump administration was willing to explore an extraordinary state-backed rescue to save nearly 7,500 jobs.

Now, however, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy has announced "ACTION to bring relief to Spirit customers and its workforce." This will include other airlines (United, Delta, JetBlue & Southwest) agreeing to cap ticket prices for Spirit customers who have been left in the lurch, reduced fares on 'high-volume Spirit routes", while American Airlines and United "are creating microsites for Spirit employees looking to continue a career in aviation."

Spirit's statement about winding down operations:

It is with great disappointment that Spirit Airlines has started winding down its global operations, effective immediately. All flights have been cancelled, and customer service is no longer available. While we are not able to help rebook your flight on another airline, we will automatically process refunds for any flights purchased through Spirit with a credit or debit card to the original form of payment. We are proud of the impact of our ultra-low-cost model on the industry for the last 33 years and had hoped to serve our Guests for many years to come.

Polymarket odds:

US takes a stake in Spirit Airlines by May 31?

US takes a stake in Spirit Airlines by May 31?
Yes 16% · No 84%
View full market & trade on Polymarket

Spirit Airlines shutdown/liquidation by May 31?

Even as Spirit begins winding down operations, President Trump said Friday that he will "have something on Spirit today or tomorrow."

What that means at this stage is anyone's guess, especially with rescue talks reportedly dead and the airline already moving into full shutdown mode.

https://www.zerohedge.com/markets/spirit-airlines-bites-dust-all-flights-canceled

Newsom’s illegal-alien funding spree

 California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s been a vintner, a lieutenant governor and the mayor of San Francisco. Now it seems he may be able to add far-left financier to the list.

A recent expose by City Journal chronicles how Mr. Newsom’s government “granted approximately $1 billion to an army of nonprofits that has encouraged unchecked numbers of migrants to enter the country, fought deportation orders in the courts, and led street protests against [U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement].”

That’s in addition to the multi-million-dollar-per-year fraud Mr. Newsom is reportedly overseeing in his state’s In-Home Supportive Services Program, which City Journal covered last month, as well as homeless advocacy-group funding fraud, which we featured in these pages a few weeks ago

Since he took office in 2019, Mr. Newsom’s government has awarded huge immigrant-services-related contracts to far-left, anti-American organizations, according to the report.

In a 2024 Instagram video from one, Al Otro Lado, which has gotten over $2 million from California since 2019, the group’s managing attorney for litigation says, “I honestly just believe that there’s no reason … why we should have borders.

A 2024 TikTok video from Al Otro Lado’s account is titled “Books from our library that remind us the U.S. is [feces emoji]” and features shots of the covers of such communist tripe as “Separated: Inside and American Tragedy” by Jacob Soboroff and “Undoing Border Imperialism” by Harsha Walia.

California, under Mr. Newsom, has also granted large sums of state money to organizations that openly aid illegal aliens. The Immigrant Defenders Law Center (“ImmDef”), which has gotten at least $6.7 million on Mr. Newsom’s watch, has labeled the Trump administration “white supremacist” and called for the abolition of ICE.

In 2023, the state-bankrolled San Diego County Immigrant Legal Defense Program, which is operated by several groups, including ImmDef, “came under scrutiny for using county funds to provide immigration legal services to 34 noncitizens convicted of crimes such as drug trafficking, money laundering and acts ’involving moral turpitude,’” City Journal reports.

Then there’s the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights Los Angeles (CHIRLA), an organization that’s received $110 million in California cash in the past seven years. This is the group that manages the Los Angeles Rapid Response Network, which tracks ICE raids and works “to shut down detention centers.”

Last summer, the House opened an inquiry into whether CHIRLA had used “federal funds to support violent criminal activity that impedes the enforcement of federal immigration law,” according to The New York Post.

Taxpayer money shouldn’t go toward aiding and abetting illegal activity, and our elected leaders shouldn’t be signing the check. California voters should recall Mr. Newsom, but given that the not-so-good governor survived a recall election in 2021, they probably won’t.

While Mr. Newsom’s term ends in January 2027, California’s mess is now trickling down the stairs of the rest of the nation — so the administration should act.

The Trump Justice Department has opened an investigation into the Golden State’s practice of housing biological males in women’s prisons. It should now open one into this apparent misuse of taxpayer cash to support illegality.

https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2026/may/2/editorial-newsoms-illegal-alien-funding-spree/

All Steak, No Sizzle: Samuel Alito Gets Down to Business

 Mollie Hemingway has written the rare Supreme Court book that's both useful and enjoyable. Alito: The Justice Who Reshaped the Supreme Court and Restored the Constitution works at once as biography, institutional history, and a kind of play-by-play of the Roberts Court in its most consequential years. It is, above all, a book about Samuel Alito's jurisprudence—his "practical originalism," as he calls it—but it's also a book about courage: the courage to do the right thing in the face of elite panic, media hysteria, and actual threats of violence.

The timing feels right, doesn't it? Jan Crawford recently reported that Alito has no plans to retire at the end of this term, which isn't remotely surprising because he's at the top of his game and has never had more influence.

But more importantly, the substance feels right. The core virtue of Hemingway's book is that it reminds readers just how much of the modern Court's drama turns on questions that are not especially dramatic in polite legal-company conversation: Who actually believes the Constitution means what it says? Who can withstand pressure? Who mistakes public relations for judging? Who has the stomach to overrule a notorious precedent when every institution in elite America is screaming for surrender?

Hemingway is very good on the long history of Republican judicial disappointments. When the Court decided Planned Parenthood v. Casey, eight of the nine justices had been appointed by Republican presidents, and the lone Democratic appointee was Byron White, who had dissented in Roe. That's the story of GOP judicial-appointment malpractice in one sentence. The conservative legal movement didn't become obsessed with vetting judges for nothing.

Hemingway is equally good on what makes Alito different. He's not Scalia redux, despite the old "Scalito" smear, and he's not Thomas either. Scalia preferred crystalline theory and rhetorical force. Thomas thinks strategically over the long term with remarkable intellectual audacity. For Alito, however, "judging is not an academic pursuit; it is a practical activity." He starts with the premise that "the Constitution means something and that that meaning does not change," but he's also more willing than some of his fellow originalists to say when a question is bound up with messy real-world particulars. As Hemingway puts it, "Compared with more doctrinaire originalists, Alito is comfortable saying when questions before the Court are ambiguous and difficult to decide."

That, in turn, helps explain why he's become so effective. Hemingway quotes clerks joking that they can spend a month reading briefs and writing bench memos, only for Alito "to ask the one question at the heart of the case that makes contrary arguments collapse." Anyone who listens to oral arguments knows that's exactly right. I often tell people that if they want to know where a case is really going, they should pay close attention to Alito's questions—and Justice Elena Kagan's too. Even in unanimous cases, the key issues tend to show up there first.

The book is also full of sharply chosen details that illuminate Alito's character without turning him into a plaster saint. When his wife first noticed him, she thought, "This one's brilliant," and apparently she also "loved the way he smelled." A former clerk says, "Justice Alito needs clerks in much the same way a mother needs a toddler to help bake cookies." Another line captures him well as a public figure: "No self-promoter, Alito was still largely unknown in political circles despite his impressive career and the growing admiration of his legal peers." In a city full of peacocks, Alito isn't merely non-flamboyant. He's constitutionally indifferent to the forms of self-advertisement that Washington mistakes for substance.

Many of the best lines come from the people Hemingway quotes: friends, former clerks, insiders. She notes that her work is based on interviews with nearly 100 people. The result is both thoroughly researched and deeply reported. Hemingway is not just retelling public episodes; she's adding to the public record.

And the biggest addition to that record is unquestionably her account of what transpired after the leak of the draft of Alito's majority opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the case that overturned Roe v. Wade.

The leak itself was unprecedented and corrosive enough. But Hemingway goes further, and what she reports about the internal conduct of the liberal bloc is extraordinary. After the draft leaked, the majority justices faced a genuine security crisis. The Alitos were moved to a secure location, Justice Amy Coney Barrett had to put on a bulletproof vest in front of her children, and an armed would-be killer appeared outside Justice Brett Kavanaugh's home. Elsewhere Hemingway notes the justices and even family members were given increased protection because the leak made the conservative justices "targets for assassination."

Under those circumstances, one might think the dissenters would have hastened to finish their work so the Court could issue the opinion and end the period in which murder might change the outcome. But Hemingway reports that after Alito urged the dissenters to hurry because delay itself was a security threat, they refused to give a completion date, and that Justice Kagan went to Justice Stephen Breyer's office and pressured him not to accommodate the majority, "screaming so loudly … that the wall was shaking." This is the book's real scoop, and it's appalling.

Kagan has long enjoyed a reputation as the smartest and most strategic of the liberal justices—a low bar currently, but she'd clear it with almost any colleagues. Yet she comes off poorly here, not ideologically but temperamentally. Hemingway reinforces this impression later, describing Kagan's post-Dobbs public campaign about the Court's legitimacy and noting that Alito responded, correctly, that criticism of opinions is one thing but implying that the Court is illegitimate "crosses an important line." The pattern is hard to miss: media pressure outside the Court, emotional pressure inside it, always in the service of preserving liberal judicial victories that can't be defended on constitutional grounds.

That's why Dobbs is the inevitable climax here. Hemingway does well to show that overturning Roe was not some wild lurch into radicalism, but the delayed correction of a disgrace. She quotes David Brooks of all people: "Unless Roe v. Wade is overturned, politics will never get better." Roe poisoned constitutional law and democratic politics for half a century. Dobbs didn't create the conflict; it returned the issue to the people after decades of judicial usurpation.

And that required the particular kind of justice Alito is. Not a showman. Not a dabbler in atmospherics. Not someone forever reading New York Times editorials as though they were an appendix to Article III. Just a serious man doing his job. Hemingway's formulation is apt: "The Roberts Court has become the best Court in decades"—and Alito has been central to that transformation.

There are books to be written about the current Court with more academic focus, and there may even be more "balanced" ones, in the modern, performative sense of that word. But there can hardly be better ones. Hemingway has produced an informative, lively, and often revealing portrait of a justice who has done as much as anyone to restore the Constitution to something like its proper place.

In a saner political culture, that would make him admired. In ours, it mainly makes him a target. Which is one more reason this book matters now.

Alito: The Justice Who Reshaped the Supreme Court and Restored the Constitution
by Mollie Hemingway
Basic Liberty, 352 pp., $32

Ilya Shapiro is director of constitutional studies at the Manhattan Institute, senior counsel to Burke Law Group PLLC, and author of Supreme Disorder: Judicial Nominations and the Politics of America's Highest CourtHe also writes the Shapiro's Gavel newsletter.

https://freebeacon.com/culture/all-steak-no-sizzle-samuel-alito-gets-down-to-business/

Why are some in our media cheering for Iran?



It is shocking how many people with major media platforms would rather see Iran win its battle to preserve its nuclear program than have President Trump achieve some kind of success.

Thomas Friedman essentially conceded in a recent New York Times column that he is torn, because he doesn’t want to see Trump or Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “strengthened” by success against Iran.


This is disgusting.

Imagine how an American soldier on the front line feels when he hears or reads about this moral betrayal from mainstream liberal figures in the American media.

Both the U.S. and Israel are taking proper military action against a tyrannical and unlawful regime that might well use a nuclear arsenal against its enemies, were it be allowed to develop one. Neither country needs to take that risk if they have the military ability to prevent it.


Preventive wars against threatened nuclear attacks are justified both morally, legally and under any theory of just war. Yet one doesn’t have to agree with this entirely reasonable statement in order to disagree with those who are cheering for the most evil and dangerous regime since Nazi Germany.

Recall that hundreds of thousands of Americans and millions of Europeans were rooting for Germany in the run-up to World War II. So it should not be surprising that some perverse America- and Israel-haters are rooting for Iran today.

No decent person should be on Iran’s side or remain ambivalent about the need to defeat Iran’s genocidal ambitions. No decent person should support Iran’s repression and murder of tens of thousands of its own citizens just this calendar year.


But some indecent Americans and Europeans are siding with evil because they disapprove so strongly of the current leaders of the nations fighting it.

These are not close questions. Perhaps it is arguable that some of the means chosen by the U.S. and Israel are poorly designed to achieve their laudable ends. But there can be little dispute about these ends being laudable, or about these democracies being on the right side in their conflict with a tyrannical regime sworn to the destruction of democratic nations it characterizes as “the big Satan” and “the little Satan.”

The First Amendment gives Americans the right to cheer for Iran if they want, just as it gave them the right to cheer for Nazi Germany. But their exercise of a constitutional right doesn’t mean that others don’t also have the right to point out that they are wrong on the merits.


The First Amendment bars the government from censoring Jimmy Kimmel’s unfunny description of First Lady Melania Trump as having “a glow like an expectant widow,” but it doesn’t require ABC to promote such a revolting image.

Nor does it mean that The New York Times acts wisely in platforming anti-American and antisemitic bigots like Hasan Piker, even if it is free to do so. Piker praises major terrorist groups, including the proxy militias that Iran uses to destabilize its region. He trivializes the Holocaust and the rapes and murders that Hamas committed in its Oct. 7, 2023 massacre in southern Israel. He has also coyly encouraged the assassination of Trump — unmistakably but without directly saying so — as well as other U.S. politicians.

The First Amendment is very limited in its exceptions. It empowers the government to censor only speech that creates a high risk of imminent harm. But some constitutionally protected speech can and does encourage non-imminent violence, including assassinations.


And private organizations are not bound by the First Amendment. They are not required to platform, promote or even tolerate speech that they reasonably believe may lead to violence. They all have standards that they apply to decide what to allow to appear under their imprimatur.

The spirit of the First Amendment should incline even private institutions to err on the side of permitting and not censoring controversial speech. But that presumption in favor of free expression should not be used as an excuse not to exercise good judgment in deciding which speech to promote.

Consumers of the media should be asking whether the media they read, watch or listen to are striking that balance appropriately today.


Alan Dershowitz, a professor emeritus at Harvard Law School, served on the legal team of President Trump during the Senate impeachment trial of January 2020. He writes the Alan Dershowitz Newsletter and is the author most recently of “Could President Trump Constitutionally Serve A Third Term?“