For years, the political class has been confidently predicting the end of MAGA.
Donald Trump was supposedly finished after Jan. 6. Finished after the indictments. Finished after Stormy Daniels and E. Jean Carroll.
Finished after the “experts” declared Republican voters were ready to “move on.” Finished after every cable-news monologue insisting the GOP base was finally tiring of Trump’s combative style and America First agenda.
As Mark Twain famously observed, “The reports of my death are greatly exaggerated.”
So too are the reports of MAGA’s demise.
This week’s primary elections delivered another unmistakable message: the Republican base remains firmly aligned with Trump, his agenda, and his vision for the country. The anti-Trump Republican faction—whether branded as “principled conservatives,” “moderates,” or the latest euphemism preferred by Beltway consultants — continues shrinking politically.
The most symbolic race of the night was Kentucky’s 4th Congressional District, where longtime Trump antagonist Rep. Thomas Massie lost his seat to Trump-endorsed challenger Ed Gallrein.
Massie had become a hero to anti-Trump Republicans precisely because he opposed Trump so consistently. The establishment media predictably portrayed him as a courageous “independent thinker,” bravely “standing up to Trump.”
Republican primary voters saw something different: a congressman who seemed more interested in frustrating Trump than advancing the agenda Republican voters elected him to implement. Massie’s district overwhelmingly
And given that incumbent members of Congress are reelected about 95 percent of the time, Massie’s loss should be a wake-up call to other Republicans bucking their party.
There is a major distinction between occasional disagreement and perpetual obstruction.
No serious political movement can function if members of its own party routinely undermine its leadership at every critical moment. Trump was elected to secure the border, reform trade, revive American manufacturing, restrain the administrative state, and reject endless foreign entanglements. Republican voters understood exactly what they were voting for.
Yet some Republicans behaved as though their primary responsibility was stopping Trump rather than helping him govern.
Massie became the embodiment of that tendency.
Ironically, Democrats understand party discipline far better than Republicans do. Senate Democrats almost always vote as a bloc. House Democrats reliably unite to advance their leadership’s priorities. Whether the issue is climate spending, judicial confirmations, border policy, or social legislation, Democrats recognize politics as a team sport.
There are exceptions. Sen. John Fetterman occasionally breaks ranks. But those exceptions are rare.
Republicans, by contrast, often seem to specialize in self-inflicted wounds. Over the years, GOP voters have watched supposed Republican mavericks derail Republican priorities at crucial moments: John McCain saving Obamacare with his infamous thumbs-down vote; Mitt Romney eagerly positioning himself as the GOP’s leading Trump critic; Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski routinely becoming decisive swing votes against Republican initiatives.
At some point Republican voters understandably ask: are these lawmakers opposing policies on genuine principle — or simply opposing Trump because doing so earns favorable media coverage and invitations to Beltway cocktail parties?
Voters increasingly believe the latter.
Many anti-Trump Republicans became more popular in newsrooms than in their own districts.
That is why Trump’s endorsements continue carrying extraordinary political weight. Republican voters no longer see these primaries as merely contests between candidates. They increasingly view them as referendums on whether elected Republicans will actually advance the America First agenda voters chose at the ballot box.
Kentucky was not an isolated event. The same message echoed across multiple states Tuesday night.
In Georgia, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, celebrated endlessly by anti-Trump media after the 2020 election, failed even to make the runoff in the Republican gubernatorial primary. Raffensperger became a darling of CNN and MSNBC precisely because he stood against Trump. Republican primary voters were unimpressed and voted accordingly.
Former Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan fared even worse, receiving only minimal support.
Meanwhile in Kentucky, Trump-backed Republican Andy Barr captured the nomination for the Senate seat being vacated by Mitch McConnell, long viewed by grassroots conservatives as the face of the old GOP establishment.
In Louisiana, Senator Bill Cassidy — another Republican frequently at odds with Trump voters — was effectively finished politically after being routed in his primary.
Even state legislative races reflected the same dynamic. In Indiana, six of seven Republican legislators who opposed redistricting efforts aligned with the broader MAGA agenda lost their seats.
This is not “revenge,” despite how the media frames it.
It is accountability.
Trump is transactional, not ideological in the traditional Beltway sense. He rewards those advancing the agenda voters elected him to implement and opposes those who consistently obstruct it.
That transactional approach extends beyond party labels. Trump has repeatedly shown a willingness to work with political opponents when interests align, particularly on issues such as trade, manufacturing, and prescription drug pricing.
The issue with legislators like Massie or Cassidy was not occasional disagreement. It was a persistent opposition to the agenda Republican voters chose at the ballot box.
Democracy does not end once a politician wins office. Voters are allowed to judge whether elected officials actually represented the priorities they campaigned on.
Trump is not merely another Republican politician; he is the leader of a populist movement that fundamentally reshaped the GOP. Republican voters expect Republicans to advance that movement, not obstruct it from within.
Lead, follow, or get out of the way.
That does not mean every Republican must agree with Trump 100 percent of the time. Healthy debate is normal. Principled disagreement is legitimate. No political coalition should demand robotic unanimity.
But there is also a difference between independence and hostility.
Many anti-Trump Republicans built personal brands around resisting Trump more aggressively than Democrats. Their opposition became performative. Media praise became addictive. Remember other “former” representatives Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger?
Being labeled “the Republican willing to stand up to Trump” became its own political currency, from Washington Post puff pieces to friendly Sunday morning news-show interviews.
The problem is that Republican primary voters increasingly see such behavior as fundamentally disconnected from the reason they elected Republicans in the first place.
If voters wanted Democrats, they would elect Democrats.
Instead, they elected Trump — at least twice.
And despite years of media predictions about “Trump fatigue,” the Republican electorate remains intensely loyal to the broader America First movement he created.
That reality terrifies both Democrats and the Republican establishment for the same reason: MAGA is no longer merely about one man. It has become the dominant ideological identity of the Republican Party.
The old GOP formula — tax cuts, foreign wars, Chamber of Commerce priorities, and carefully focus-grouped moderation — no longer inspires the Republican base. Voters want secure borders, energy independence, fair trade, economic nationalism, cultural confidence, and leaders willing to confront institutions that increasingly operate against ordinary Americans.
Trump recognized that before anyone else.
And Republican voters continue rewarding candidates who embrace that agenda while removing those who consistently impede it.
Republican primary voters are making something unmistakably clear: they no longer want Republican politicians whose primary talent is opposing other Republicans.
They want elected officials willing to advance the agenda they voted for.
MAGA is alive and well.
And the reports of its demise remain greatly exaggerated.
Brian C. Joondeph, M.D., is a Colorado-based ophthalmologist who writes frequently about medicine, science, and public policy.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.