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Thursday, April 20, 2023

Fight Aging with Drugs?

 Outlive: The Science and Art of Longevity, by Peter Attia and Bill Gifford (Harmony, 496 pp., $32)

We live in a golden age of health nuts, superfood gurus, exercise overachievers, and suspiciously young-looking longevity researchers. Yet for all this marketed youth, life expectancy is stagnant, scant progress has been made against the various dementias, and the average American keeps growing larger. Enter “geroscience,” the science of aging. In contrast with the generally poor popular discourse on the subject, physician Peter Attia’s new book, Outlive, written with journalist Bill Gifford, is a readable and wide-ranging primer to living a long life.

Attia first emerged from obscurity in 2011 as a charismatic advocate for ketogenic diets, later founding the Nutrition Science Initiative (NuSi) in 2012 with writer and journalist Gary Taubes (author of Good Calories, Bad Calories). NuSi was born of frustration with the general state of nutrition-science literature and, with $40 million from the John Arnold Foundation (which has a track record of funding metascience projects), promised to be the “Manhattan Project” of nutrition science. It ended up funding multiple diet studies, one of which tested the conventional wisdom about diets but could not confirm it; another that found inconclusive results; another that suggested that the conventional wisdom is wrong, at least with respect to fat accumulation in the liver; and another that, depending on one’s perspective, either confirmed or refuted conventional thinking.*

Now ten years older and wiser, Attia has spent the last half-decade building a medical practice and podcast that vacillates from longevity science to archery and racecars, just some of his many obsessions. Gone is the ketogenic-diet enthusiast; instead, he is candid about its disadvantages.

Attia starts the book by summing up what conventional medicine can treat well: “fast death,” broken bones, infections, damaged organs, and serious injuries. The astonishing rise in life expectancy over the twentieth century is attributable mostly to our near-rout of infectious diseases, especially in infancy and childhood. Medicine has made substantial progress against heart disease (still the leading killer of adults in the U.S.) and diabetes and scored some partial victories against cancer. These impressive results, unfortunately, are marred by what Attia calls the “Marginal Decade”—the drop in quality of life that most elderly people experience in their seventies and eighties. Focusing on aging itself, the most important risk factor for all these diseases, would seem like a logical next step.

Attia makes the case for focusing on aging as follows: centenarians experience a “compression of morbidity”—a smaller chunk of their life is spent infirm. That fact runs contrary to the popular notion that living longer would mean living as a modern Tithonus, gifted a long life without youth. Without randomized clinical trials showing that certain interventions will help people live longer, Attia relies on human studies on major age-related diseases; molecular and mechanistic studies from animal and human models; “Mendelian randomization,” a form of genetic epidemiology that, given certain assumptions, may be more reliable than others; studies of centenarians’ genetics (their lifestyles are amusingly unhealthy); and lifespan data from trials on animals separated by “a billion years of evolution.”

Attia is honest about the uncertainty of his patchwork approach, at least relative to the gold standard of randomized controlled trials. But on average, he thinks this strategy will tend to improve the reader’s prospects of living longer. If centenarians can achieve a longer and healthier life merely by delaying the onset of age-related diseases, what if ordinary mortals tried to reproduce their luck with novel tactics?

For diabetes and heart disease, the Attia approach is quite aggressive but not outside the medical mainstream. The American College of Cardiology offers a lifetime risk calculator for heart disease, and cardiac luminaries like Eugene Braunwald (founder of an academic research group, TIMI, that tested numerous important treatment in heart disease) have argued for proactive heart-disease prevention.

Attia concedes that his regimen is necessarily speculative when it comes to preventing cancer and neurodegenerative diseases. Most of his recommendations have limited downside—overly restful sleep or a trim physique—but his recommendation to pursue aggressive cancer screening is riskier. With the right combination of screening, and lucky developments in “liquid biopsy” technology, more cancer could be caught before it becomes metastatic, but many more individuals could be exposed to invasive biopsies or chemotherapy for slow-growing cancers that would never have killed them. For preventing Alzheimer’s disease and other dementias, Attia relies heavily on an approach pioneered by Richard Isaacson at Cornell that involves regular exercise, good sleep, reducing cardiovascular risk factors, and treating hearing loss. These are all good ideas, but their efficacy in preventing or delaying diseases is uncertain, as Attia himself acknowledges.

Attia’s book is filled with lucid analogies. Take the “Centenarian Decathlon,” a list of physical activities a healthy grandpa or grandma might want to carry out, such as picking up a toddler grandchild or carrying groceries for a few blocks. By calculating the physical demands of such tasks, as well as the predictable decline in fitness with age, farsighted 40-yearolds can guess at how fit they need to be to achieve those milestones in their eighties. Attia’s “first commandment of fitness: first do thyself no harm” emerges naturally from this perspective, given how crippling inactivity can be for older people.

Elsewhere in the book, Attia describes the discovery of rapamycin, a striking illustration of serendipity and persistence in drug research. The story starts with a scientific expedition to eerie Easter Island, filled with giant stone heads; then we meet biochemist Suren Seghal, whose characterization of the drug’s anti-fungal activity made him hopeful that he had discovered a cure for athlete’s foot. Later, Seghal persisted with experimentation even after his old company was bought up. Apart from its proven utility in transplantation, kidney cancer, and in drug-eluting-stents, rapamcyin holds a more elusive potential: life extension. Unlike other compounds with promising effects that later fail to replicate (most infamously resveratrol), rapamycin has generated effects that have shown up in multi-center trials of mice at various ages of treatment onset. Similar results have been found in yeast and fruit flies; the drug is now being tested in companion dogs.

It’s hard to argue with more exercise, strict control of risk factors, and better sleep, but from a population-level perspective, the biggest challenge is adherence. What percentage of people will consistently carry out such changes? Some insight may be gained by looking at what percentage of Medicare patients who have recently suffered a heart attack actually take high-dose statins, as nearly all should. The answer is no more than 35 percent, and some argue that the number is substantially lower. And still-lower numbers would likely follow government guidelines for calorie consumption or activity levels, let alone the more stringent standards Attia expects. The focus, then, should be on developing drugs that can slow aging, not a suite of lifestyle interventions that, however effective, will never be adopted en masse.

Policymakers should take heed. From Italy to America, longer life expectancies without corresponding improvements in “healthspan”—the years one spends in the prime of one’s health—are challenging developed-world safety nets. Yet the National Institute of Aging (NIA) budget is small. In 2023, the operating plan for the NIH apportions about $4.4 billion to the NIA, while the National Cancer Institute alone receives about $7.3 billion. Yet many more people will grow old than will ever develop cancer. If, as geroscientists hope, directly treating aging (instead of age-related diseases) improves health span, then longevity science may help resolve this elder-care budget crisis.

Apart from more research into the basic biology of aging, some specific “mega-projects” in aging could easily absorb considerably more funding. For instance, the Interventions Testing Program (ITP), which rigorously tests various compounds on laboratory mice in three separate laboratories, has identified several that reliably extend mouse lifespan. Some, like rapamycin, acarbose, and canagliflozin, are already FDA-approved for humans, though for other conditions. Funding in-human studies for both aging and age-related diseases—as, for instance, some have already proposed for rapamycin and Alzheimer’s disease—and for promising off-patent drugs should be an NIA priority, especially since these generic drugs are unlikely to see substantial future investment from industry. Expanding the ITP’s capabilities by increasing the number of compounds and testing in combinations would be a natural complement to this effort. Another possibility would be adding exotic interventions such as partial reprogramming (which aims to restore youthful patterns of gene expression) to the ITP, which currently prioritizes interventions that can be delivered through diet.

I’m a minor exercise fanatic, though I can’t swim a 21-mile channel like Attia. I’m even a closet diet experimenter and an occasional blood-glucose tester. So I’m naturally drawn to Outlive’s prescriptions, and I even believe that my habits will net me a few extra years. But I’m also eagerly awaiting some distant cousin of rapamycin, acarbose, or a yet-unknown therapeutic, perhaps a decade or two hence, winning FDA approval for anti-aging. I hope they come up with a good name. My vote goes for Ambrosia.

Where Did All the Biden Illegal Immigrants Go?

 In New York City, if the newcomers aren't put up at the luxury cruise terminal that served the QE2, they could get $700-a-night midtown hotel accommodations with iconic Manhattan viewsIn Chicago, they found themselves whisked to suburban lodgings. In Denver, officials refer to them discreetly as “guests” and you needn’t bother inquiring about their inns or addresses.  

AP
Across the Rio Grande: close encounters of the migrant kind.

The people enjoying these free digs aren’t privacy-conscious jet-setters, but the secrecy surrounding them might be comparable: They’re some of the millions of migrants who have illegally crossed into the U.S. since the Biden administration relaxed most border controls.  

No one knows exactly how many people have poured across the southwestern U.S. border since President Biden took office, or where they’ve gone since. The official number of encounters by Customs and Border Patrol stands at 5.2 million people, logged over the last two full federal fiscal years and fiscal 2023 through March. But that number is imprecise because it includes repeat encounters with the same people and omits the many who slipped into the country unnoticed by border agents.  

Under President Biden, the U.S. smashed past the 200,000 monthly encounters mark for the first time in July 2021 and it has repeatedly topped that record in the months since. By comparison, in fiscal 2020, which ended a month before Biden’s defeat of President Trump, the U.S. averaged 38,174 monthly encounters at the border, according to CBP figures.  

Because of an official lack of transparency, all those people and the circumstances by which they have arrived and remained have made it hard to take stock of the historic influx. Through midnight flights and buses from the border to far-flung locales, the administration has made it difficult to identify where the migrants are now living and receiving services. Also unclear are the costs associated with the arrivals.  

But flares have been sent up – especially over immigrant sanctuary cities like New York, Denver and Chicago, which have long promised to house migrants. While those cities are providing housing and other services for a small fraction of the recent migrants, the costs are significant for these budget-strapped metropolises.

rownyc.com
The website of onetime Manhattan tourist magnet Milford Plaza reflects its recent status as migrant housing.

Denver plans to spend $20 million in the first six months of this year to provide housing to migrants. Officials say this works out to between $800 and $1,000 per week per person.   

In January the state of Illinois turned down Chicago’s request for more funds, saying it had already spent close to $120 million on its “asylum seeker emergency response” – or roughly $33,000 per migrant.   

New York City Mayor Eric Adams has asked for more than $500 million in federal aid, while pegging the city’s spending at between $2 billion and $3 billion.     

Other data points of the opaque costs of Biden-era illegal immigration include Massachusetts’ estimate that it will need $28 million to launch a program to provide driver’s licenses to undocumented residents. The state is seeking a share of the omnibus spending bill passed by Democrats in December 2022 when they controlled both houses of Congress, which included $800 million for cities grappling with the influx.  

These numbers are incomplete in part because it is hard to separate the added cost of recent migrants from costs for the millions of undocumented immigrants who were in the country before the recent surge.   

FAIR
Illegal migrants cost taxpayers over $150 billion a year, according to this estimate – up 30% since 2017.

A March study by the conservative  Federation for American Immigration Reform estimates that, after accounting for taxes paid by undocumented migrants, they cost taxpayers over $150 billion per year – a 30% increase since 2017.  

Yet FAIR acknowledges the problem of fixing costs has become more difficult, given the record-breaking numbers of illegal crossers in the past two and a half years and efforts by some government agencies to mask their spending.  

“We often had to grapple with a paucity of easily accessible official data,” the report notes. “Many state and federal entities do not publish detailed data that they collect, making it difficult to reliably separate illegal aliens from citizens of lawful immigrants. We have also encountered cases where the current administration has revoked or restricted documents published by previous administrations in order to reduce the visibility of data which shines a negative light on their immigration policy agenda.”   

Those totals also involve far more than simple food and board. To arrive at its staggering sum, FAIR includes estimates of the costs in education, health care and law enforcement.   

“The irony is not only are these sanctuary jurisdictions turning to Washington with their hands out, but that they still refuse to join with governors like Greg Abbott and Ron DeSantis in demanding that the federal government take decisive steps to stanch the influx of new migrants,” FAIR spokesman Ira Mehlman told RealClearInvestigations, referring to the Republican chief executives of Texas and Florida, respectively. “The obvious hypocrisy of declaring yourself a sanctuary jurisdiction while complaining about the costs and burdens associated with it are undeniable.”    

Groups that favor more relaxed border security measures, such as the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights and the American Immigration Council, did not respond to RCI’s request for comment; the liberal Brookings Institution declined to comment. 

AP
An impact hard to estimate: serving soup at a makeshift immigrant shelter in Denver in January.

Cities housing many migrants have a hard time estimating costs. New York Mayor Adams has asked for more than $500 million in federal aid, while pegging the city’s spending one time at $2 billion and another time at $3 billion. Those are the sorts of bills New York has racked up putting what they call “asylum seekers” or “migrants” in hotels.   

And Adams, whose requests sometimes include the claim “we are all in this together,” wants to spend even more. This month, he floated the idea of paying college tuition for illegal immigrants if they attend New York state schools outside the city.   

AP
Without reservations: in January, migrants in New York being asked to leave their temporary hotel digs.

Using Adams’ own number  of some 40,000 illegal immigrants that New York City has foot the bills for, it means taxpayers are spending roughly $150,000 per person to host new arrivals. In March, City Hall scaled back its count of the number of its immigrants  to 12,700, which meant the taxpayers’ were spending nearly $5 million a day to take care of them, according to a New York Post analysis.  

The Office of the New York City Public Advocate, which helps immigrants navigate the benefits available to them, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. A spokeswoman for Adams declined to address questions about spending, pointing instead to various links the city maintains for immigrants and noting the city has expanded a New York County Supreme Court decision in 1981 regarding shelter for homeless people to cover immigrants.     

Whatever the current official number of illegal immigrants New York is dealing with it is but a fraction of those that have poured into various Texas communities along the border.   

Officials at El Paso’s City Hall, one of the ground zeroes in the illegal immigration crush, did not respond to phone calls and emails seeking comment on its spending. But Gov. Abbott said his Operation Lone Star, launched in March 2021, has “allocated more than $4 billion to do the federal government’s job and secure the border,” Abbott’s spokesman Andrew Mahaleris said.     

AP
Many migrants like these who crossed into Texas soon found themselves on buses elsewhere.

It was Abbott who began busing illegal immigrants to some of the sanctuary cities that declare themselves so welcoming, such as New York, Denver and Chicago.   

“Texas began busing migrants to sanctuary cities last April to provide relief to our overrun and overwhelmed border communities,” Mahaleris said. “Mayors Adams, [Muriel] Bowser and [Lori] Lightfoot were all too happy to tout their sanctuary city statuses until Texas bused over 16,900 migrants, collectively, to their self-declared sanctuary. Instead of complaining about dealing with a fraction of the border crisis Texas communities see every day, these hypocrites should call on President Biden to take immediate action to secure the border – something the president continues failing to do.”   

Lightfoot, departing as mayor of Chicago after her defeat in February, first turned to Illinois for millions to help the Windy City cope with its several thousand illegal immigrants Texas provided. In January, however, the state turned her down, saying it had already spent close to $120 million on its “asylum seeker emergency response.”    

That response came last September when Illinois Democratic Gov. J.B. Pritzker issued an “emergency disaster proclamation.” His proclamation and the words of other state leaders presented a schizophrenic picture in which they portray Illinois as a “welcoming beacon of hope” and complain they weren’t given “official advance warning.”   

Most of the money Illinois spent – more than $61.5 million, or roughly $31,000 per immigrant – went to contracts with organizations or staff “who provided on site case management and other services at multiple locations.”   

Illinois dropped another $8 million on “interim housing,” nearly $4 million on “health screenings for asylum seekers, and more than $29 million on “hotel, transportation and housing costs,” according to their breakdown.   

Nowhere did Pritzker or Lightfoot question the wisdom of the Biden administration ‘s border policies, and there was no indication they understood the burdens that had been put on border cities and states. Instead, the unmistakable message was that if illegal immigrants were going to be sent where the “welcoming beacon” shone, other people should pay for it.   

“They can say all that is for free, but now they’re finding out they can’t have a welfare society and an open border,” said Lora Reis, the director of the Border Security and Immigration Center at the conservative Heritage Foundation.

Denver held a budget “transparency and equity” meeting earlier this month at which Chief Financial Officer Margaret Danuser said the city will have spent between $17 million and $20 million on housing and other services for between 5,000 and 6,000  illegal immigrants between Dec. 2022 and this June. The city hoped to get federal taxpayers to reimburse it for $2.8 million, and a Colorado state fund for another $3.5 million.   

Those figures show Denver spent about the same as Chicago at roughly $33,000 per immigrant, costs that are still far below New York City’s.   

https://www.realclearinvestigations.com/articles/2023/04/20/where_did_all_the_biden_illegal_immigrants_go_hard-up_sanctuary_cities_like_new_york_are_only_part_of_the_answer_894505.html

Left ignores the real Biden Delaware drama to satisfy their bias

 New York Times opinionista Michelle Goldberg complained bitterly this week that she had trekked all the way to Wilmington, Del., at the brutal hour of 7 a.m. to watch the Dominion-vs.-Fox News defamation trial, only for the parties to settle before the show began. 

“Deeply disappointing” was her reaction. 

But here’s a thought. 

All the disappointed media operatives huddled at Wilmington’s Superior Court, like Goldberg and CNN’s crestfallen Oliver Darcy, could make themselves useful in the president’s hometown. They could investigate a story that is bigger than Watergate but which they have shamefully avoided or downplayed for almost three years: Biden family corruption and the associated coverup, including by the FBI and Big Tech.

After all, the House Oversight and Judiciary committees have given them plenty of ammo.

Take the bombshell this week from former acting CIA Director Mike Morell. 

In a sworn interview, Morell has admitted it was Joe Biden’s presidential campaign that prompted the infamous letter in which Morell and 50 fellow former intelligence officials falsely claimed that material from Hunter Biden’s laptop published by The Post before the 2020 election was Russian disinformation, sources in the House Judiciary Committee have confirmed.

Tony Blinken, now secretary of state, was the Biden campaign foreign affairs adviser who urgently phoned Morell in October 2020 to suggest the laptop was a Russian plant.

Joe Biden
Former acting CIA Director Mike Morell admitted the Biden campaign influenced the “dirty 51” letter.
Getty Images

“We can prove that the entire purpose of this letter at the outset was to influence a presidential election with some of the most senior people who have ever been in our intelligence community ­using the imprimatur of their security clearances to pave the way for Joe Biden’s presidency,” Congressman Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) told Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast this week.

Hunter Biden
Reportedly, nine members of the Biden family have benefited financially from Joe’s political career.
AFP via Getty Images

Morell, now a CBS contributor (Hey, “60 Minutes,” scoop in your backyard!), was deposed last week by the House Judiciary Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government.

He admitted that, after the call from Blinken, he solicited signatures for his letter from 50 other former intelligence officials. 

The letter, published in Politico on Oct. 19, 2020, two weeks before the election, falsely claimed that emails from the laptop published by The Post had “all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation … Moscow [will] pull out the stops to do anything possible to help Trump win and/or to weaken Biden should he win.”

The letter was used by candidate Biden three days later, in his final debate against President Donald Trump, to deflect accusations about Joe’s involvement in his family’s international influence-peddling operation, which had garnered millions of dollars from China and Ukraine while he was vice president. 

“Morell wanted to be Joe Biden’s CIA director, got a phone call from Tony Blinken, who was representing the Biden campaign, saying, ‘Gee, Mike, doesn’t this Hunter Biden laptop look like Russian disinformation?’ ” said Gaetz.

“Morell testifies that then triggers him to be the ringleader of an enterprise to go to others and to put together a letter for the specific purpose of use by Joe Biden in the presidential debate … We can prove that and much more.”

The committee has also interviewed a former adviser to ex-CIA Director John Brennan and Obama White House alum Nick Shapiro, who cooked up the letter with Morell and delivered it to ­Politico. 

Hunter Biden
Hunter Biden accompanied his father to Ireland this week.
AP

2020 elex interference

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) will release a report in the next couple of weeks tracing the origins of the “Dirty 51” letter, showing it constituted corrupt interference in the 2020 presidential election.

Meanwhile, House Oversight Committee Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) this week revealed that newly accessed financial records from the Treasury Department show “the Biden family enterprise is centered on Joe Biden’s political career and connections, and it has generated an exorbitant amount of money for the Biden family.” 

Comer’s team has identified “six additional members of Biden’s family who may have benefited from the Biden family’s businesses that we are investigating, bringing the total number of those involved or benefiting to nine.”

Then there is the IRS whistleblower.

It was only last week that the president, 80, conspicuously took his 53-year-old son with him on Air Force One on a state visit to Ireland, despite the fact that Hunter is under criminal investigation over his overseas business dealings. 

He must be feeling pretty cocky that the probe, now in its fifth year, by Delaware US Attorney David Weiss into tax evasion, money laundering, and other allegations won’t result in indictments for Hunter.

A clue to the cockiness came Wednesday when a career IRS criminal supervisory special agent who has been investigating Hunter Biden for three years came forward with claims that federal prosecutors are preventing tax charges from being brought against the president’s son.

The IRS whistleblower’s attorney, Mark Lytle, alleged in a letter to Jordan and eight other House and Senate committee chairs that “preferential treatment and politics [are] improperly infecting decisions and protocols that would normally be followed by career law enforcement professionals in similar circumstances if the subject were not politically connected.”

Chuck Grassley
Sen. Chuck Grassley grilled Merrick Garland over the Hunter Biden investigation.
AP

What’s more, the whistleblower has evidence that will “contradict sworn testimony to Congress by a senior political appointee” — who is Attorney General Merrick Garland, according to congressional sources.

In sworn testimony to a Senate oversight hearing on March 1, Garland was grilled about the Delaware investigation into Hunter by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa). Garland was asked whether Weiss had “sought permission of another US Attorney’s Office, such as in the District of Columbia or California [both places where Hunter has lived], to bring [tax-related] ­charges? If so, was it denied?”

Garland replied that he did not know but went on to insist that Weiss has been “advised that he has full authority … to bring cases in other jurisdictions if he feels it necessary … He is not to be denied anything that he needs, and if that were to happen, it should ascend through the department’s ranks, and I have not heard anything from that office to suggest that they are not able to do everything that the US attorney wants to do.”

Grassley pointed out that “without special-counsel authority, [Weiss] could need permission of another US attorney … to bring charges outside the district of Delaware.”

Garland replied: “I promised to leave the matter of Hunter Biden in the hands of the US attorney in the district of Delaware … I pledged not to interfere with that investigation, and I have carried through on that pledge.”

However, as Grassley told him, if Weiss “must seek permission from a Biden-appointed US attorney [in California or DC] to bring charges, then the Hunter Biden criminal investigation isn’t insulated from political interference, as you’ve publicly proclaimed.”

Watch this space. But don’t expect the same from the New York Times or CNN.

https://nypost.com/2023/04/19/left-ignores-real-biden-delaware-drama-to-satisfy-their-bias/