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Saturday, December 9, 2023

Soros funneled more than $50M to Iran-sympathizer groups linked to Robert Malley

 Far-left billionaire George Soros has funneled more than $50 million to a network of Iran-sympathizer groups whose members have gained significant sway within the Biden White House — pushing to defang US sanctions on Tehran while advocating for a renewed nuclear deal.

A Post examination of Soros’ Open Society Foundations records shows the progressive kingmaker has given a staggering $46.7 million since 2016 to the International Crisis Group, a lefty think tank tied to an alleged Iranian plot to manipulate US policy.

Robert Malley, the former US special envoy to Iran now under FBI investigation for his alleged mishandling of classified material, was the ICG’s president until he joined the Biden administration in 2021.

“Soros has continually funded organizations that act as apologists for the Iranian regime – downplaying their severe human rights abuses while working to advance Iranian propaganda,” Gabriel Noronha of the Polaris National Security think tank told The Post.

Soros cash funded the ICG’s formation in 1994, and the billionaire was a trustee for years before handing the seat to his son and ideological heir Alexander Soros, 38, in 2018.

Far-left billionaire George Soros has pumped millions into pro-Iran influence groups that “weaken America,” critics say.AFP via Getty Images
Robert Malley, now under FBI investigation for alleged mishandling of government secrets while serving as Biden’s Iran envoy, scored millions in aid from Soros when he headed the International Crisis Group think tank.AFP via Getty Images
Ali Vaez, a Malley protege at ICG and a member of the Iran Experts Initiative, scored White House meetings with top Biden national security officials.Getty Images

Three of Malley’s proteges were part of the Iran Experts Initiative, a covert network of Iranian-American academics established by Iran’s Foreign Ministry in 2014, according to Semafor.

Over the last decade, IEI participants have worked their way into Washington’s foreign policy establishment — while subtly persuading US policymakers to ease sanctions on Tehran and accede to its nuclear ambitions.

“If you were a regime running a game plan of how to subvert the United States’ political system from within, this would be it to a tee,” Noronha said.

  • Malley hired IEI participant Ariane Tabatabai as his top aide when Biden tapped him to lead the US team charged with negotiating a new nuclear deal with Tehran. Tabatabai then switched to a high-level job at the Pentagon with a top security clearance, where she remains, drawing Republican ire.
  • Ali Vaez, another IEI member and currently the director of Iran projects at ICG, reportedly sent some of his writings to Iranian officials for pre-publication review. Vaez has scored five White House meetings with Biden’s top national security officials, visitor logs show.
  • Malley hired Dina Esfandiary, a third IEI member, as a senior ICG advisor. In 2021, she and Vaez co-authored an essay cheering the election of Iran’s hardline president Ebrahim Raisi as “a real opportunity to make progress on the nuclear talks.”

Malley’s 2021 appointment coincided with the administration’s turn from former president Donald Trump’s “maximum pressure” sanctions on Iranian oil exports. Biden’s lax enforcement has reportedly earned the mullahs an estimated $95 billion.

Iran’s hard-line president Ebrahim Raisi was praised by IEI members Ali Vaez and Dina Esfandiary.POOL/AFP via Getty Images
The Iranian regime displayed its Sejjil missiles in Tehran in 2017 — part of its developing nuclear weapons program.AP

In February 2023, Vaez scored two lengthy one-on-one meetings with Brett McGurk, Biden’s coordinator for the Middle East and North Africa, while McGurk was secretly negotiating with his Iranian counterpart to restart the nuclear talks.

Soon after, the administration made a controversial deal to release $6 billion of frozen Iranian funds in exchange for five American hostages.

Meanwhile, Malley’s son, Blaise Malley, 25, works for an Iran-sympathizing think tank, the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, that has also basked in Soros’ largesse — even though founder Trita Parsi was found by a US court to have been credibly accused of acting as “an advocate for the regime” through his nonprofit National Iranian American Council after he brought a defamation suit charging this was false.

Since 2019, Soros has given Quincy — which says it advocates “restraint” in US foreign policy — $1.8 million, plus $100,000 to Parsi’s NIAC.

“NIAC and Quincy are the Russia Today of the Iranian Regime,” Iranian dissident Masih Alinejad wrote in 2022.

Soros’s cash has also indirectly flowed to Iran apologists via lefty groups like the Ploughshares Fund and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.

In 2021, for example, when OSF gave Ploughshares $300,000, Ploughshares in turn showered $225,000 — $75,000 each — on the ICG, NIAC Action, and the Quincy Institute.

This year, Ploughshares awarded Vaez a direct grant for an unspecified amount.

OSF and Soros have funneled more than $15 million since 2016 to groups behind recent pro-Hamas protests in the US, The Post has reported.

Trita Parsi’s Quincy Institute and the National Iranian American Council also received Soros grants.Getty Images
Alex Soros (left) and father George have pumped millions into Iran apologist groups, critics say.via REUTERS

“We value the donations we receive from across the political spectrum and have always been transparent about that support on our website,” said Jessica Rosenblum of the Quincy Institute.

“These groups are committed to promoting both international and regional peace and security,” said an OSF spokesperson. “None has ever worked on behalf of the government of the Islamic Republic.”

“I don’t know what either Soros’s vision is regarding Iran,” Noronha said. “But the things they routinely fund are things that weaken America, both internally and externally.”

https://nypost.com/2023/12/09/news/iran-apologists-linked-to-robert-malley-got-50m-from-soros/

US Tells Israel Not To Strike The Houthis In Yemen

 by Dave DeCamp via AntiWar.com,

The Biden administration has asked Israel not to respond to recent attacks by Yemen’s HouthisThe Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday.

The Houthis, formally known as Ansar Allah, have fired missiles and drones at Israel in response to the Israeli onslaught in Gaza and have targeted Israeli-linked commercial ships in the Red Sea. US warships have responded to the Houthi attacks and have downed several Houthi missiles and drones in recent weeks.

According to the Journalthe US is concerned an Israeli response could spark a major regional war. US officials told Israel that the US would handle any potential response, although POLITICO reported that the administration is not planning on directly targeting the Houthis, at least for now.

The POLITICO report said the Pentagon has drawn up plans to strike the Houthis, but they have not been presented or recommended to President Biden.

The report said there is a "high-level consensus within the administration that it does not make sense for the US military to respond directly to the Houthis."

Saudi Arabia has also urged the US not to strike the Houthis over concerns that such an attack could jeopardize the Saudi-Houthi peace process. A ceasefire between the Saudis and the Houthis has held relatively well since April 2022, but a lasting peace deal has not yet been signed.

The US announced sanctions targeting the Houthis on Thursday that target 13 people and firms allegedly involved in the sale and shipment of Iranian commodities. The Treasury Department claims the network has transferred tens of millions of dollars worth of foreign currency to the Houthis.

The US has backed a Saudi-led coalition against the Houthis since 2015 in a brutal war that has killed at least 377,000 people. But it’s rare that the US and the Houthis directly exchange fire.

https://www.zerohedge.com/geopolitical/us-tells-israel-not-strike-houthis-yemen

Microsoft says it does not own any portion of OpenAI

 Microsoft said in a statement on Friday that it does not own any part of OpenAI, an artificial intelligence powerhouse.

"While details of our agreement remain confidential, it is important to note that Microsoft does not own any portion of OpenAI and is simply entitled to share of profit distributions," said company spokesman Frank Shaw.

https://finance.yahoo.com/news/microsoft-says-does-not-own-215425519.html

Fake Meat: More Entrée or Agenda?

 The Fed’s aggressive interest rate hikes, the surge in retail trader activity, and pandemic-driven valuations have led many previously high-flying public firms to face a sudden reversal of fortunes. Transitioning from pandemic-era policies to a more typical economic environment, firms again need strong business fundamentals to survive in a competitive landscape. A reality check has arrived for the “meme stocks” like GameStop and AMC Theatres, the SPACs (Special Purpose Acquisition Companies) like WeWork and Virgin Orbit Holdings, and even firms with tangible post-pandemic prospects, like Zoom and Netflix.

Among the casualties are a growing number of plant-based meat substitute companies that initially garnered substantial investor interest but have since grappled with low and diminishing consumer demand. In June of this year, UK-based Meatless Farm shut its doors not long after Heck, a maker of meatless sausages, announced that it would substantially reduce its consumer offerings. Nestlé-owned Garden Gourmet also pulled its vegan offerings from UK shops in March 2023. Canada’s Very Good Food Company, a vegan food producer which soared 800 percent on the day of its public offering in 2020, recently collapsed after revealing it had never been profitable.    

By far the biggest turnabout has occurred in the most prominent plant-meat substitute enterprise, Beyond Meats. The corporate flagship of the sector conducted its IPO in May 2019 priced at $25 per share, opening at $46 and rising to as high as $72 on its first day of trading. By July 2019 the stock price briefly surpassed $230 per share, spiking above $150 per share several times during the pandemic. But since mid-2021, the stock price fell from over $100 to recently close below $6. For six consecutive quarters, the company has reported negative sales growth amid not only a loss of market share but a contraction in the size of the fake meat market. Nearly one-fifth of the firm’s non-production workforce was laid off early in November 2023. Financial analysts have characterized the firm as in survival mode, with its financial deterioration bringing about a “going concern” risk.

So why are so many plant-based “alternative” meat companies faltering at the same time? Part of the answer, we propose, may derive from a pattern of noisy market signals that we dub Conspicuous Production.

Conspicuous Production refers to the creation of goods that are not necessarily sought by a large consumer base, but that are thought to convey certain social signals when they are marketed to the public. It’s a supplier’s counterpart to the more famous concept of Conspicuous Consumption, wherein consumers purchase products to show off the status, wealth, tastes, or social desirability that ownership of a good is perceived to convey. In the case of conspicuously produced goods, the supplier offers a product that caters to certain social trends and causes, whether or not people are willing to purchase it.

It is not difficult to see how artificial “meat” companies fall into a pattern of Conspicuous Production. These plant-based alternatives are presented as more environmentally friendly alternatives to meat. They ostensibly facilitate the reduction of meat-based diets, which is an increasingly vocal political demand of climate activists. Many of these products are also marketed as vegan under an ideological presumption that eating plants is more ethical than eating animals. A retailer might accordingly choose to carry large selections of plant-based “meat” products out of the belief that it will gain them reputational accolades from their shoppers by signaling social responsibility, sustainability, and similar sentiments. Similarly, a restaurant may add a meat-colored congealed vegetable patty to their burger lineup, hoping to garner goodwill from diners who perceive this offering as environmentally ethical.

But what happens if very few people buy these same conspicuously produced food items?

We suspect that many vegan food companies have mistakenly interpreted the social signaling of “alternative meat” store displays and menu items as indicative of a much larger consumer base than they actually possess. It’s only when they unexpectedly encounter financial difficulties due to sluggish sales that the true state of affairs becomes evident. Furthermore, the prolonged shelf life of plant-based alternatives to meat, attributed to the numerous chemicals and binding agents used in their production, could be convenient for those seeking to showcase their company’s social consciousness by stocking their freezers. As we’ve witnessed during events such as hurricanes, COVID-induced grocery store rushes, and similar natural or political crises, what Pete Earle has termed “Magness Effects” are undeniably real.

To elaborate, even in situations where there is a glaring and widespread shortage of essential food items due to emergency circumstances, the vegan section of the freezer aisle often remains largely untouched. The majority of consumers simply have no desire to consume such products (and the small minority that does may already have well-stocked freezers filled with these items, again benefitting from their long shelf lives).

Yet, there is an underlying economic rationale behind the existence of these Magness Effects. Rather than aligning their product offerings with genuine consumer preferences, most grocery stores seem to allocate prime shelf space to faux-meat products as a way of projecting a particular image of social responsibility. They hope that when customers pass by a prominently displayed shelf of vegan goods, they may infer that the store is actively promoting values like saving the planet or protecting animals. It’s akin to establishments that prominently place recycling bins in public view, even though, in reality, the recyclables often end up mixed with regular trash once they’re out of sight. 

While the vast majority of shoppers are unlikely to open the vegan freezer door and select a package of artificially colored and molded celery stalks masquerading as chicken tenders, a substantial minority perceives this shelf as a testament to the store’s corporate social responsibility toward the environment. Meanwhile, the subset of the population that does consume these products maintains an ongoing oversupply relative to their market share. Since there’s little demand from others, they can walk into the store during a hurricane, blizzard, or other run on groceries and the artificial meat shelf will appear virtually unchanged from a typical Tuesday.

The news is not encouraging for plant-based meat entrepreneurs. A November 18th Telegraph UK article reports that the plunging fortunes of vegan food makers have occurred alongside the resurgence of interest in real meat. “Smashed burgers” account for a substantial part of the renewed interest, with eateries offering twists on the recipe in towns all across the UK. (Unsurprisingly, it’s a style that originated in the United States.) As for meat consumption trends in the US, the USDA estimates per-capita retail weight consumption of 224.6 pounds of red meat and poultry in 2022: 10.3 pounds higher than the average observed from 2012 to 2021.

The desperation of the grass-meat constituency is clear in the headlines of ideologically aligned media supporters. A widely-syndicated16 November Associated Press article implored readers: “Plant-based meat is a simple solution to climate woes — if more people would eat it.” 

Yet despite consumers speaking about as clearly as they ever do, an arrow remains in the quiver of the grass-burger constituency. Impossible Foods CEO (and former Stanford University biochemist) Pat Brown recommends a meat tax, drawing comparisons with the levies currently charged on tobacco, marijuana, and sugar products in various jurisdictions. If consumer tastes won’t salvage the market for animal-part-shaped blocks of dyed soy extract, its boosters and beneficiaries are hoping that government interventions will.

In the meantime, the plant-based alternatives industry appears to be facing its first true market test and doing poorly. True, the consumer base for fake meat is not zero. It’s simply a much smaller market than producers perceived, due to the noisy signals and political distortions of Conspicuous Production. The result is a plant-based alternative food industry that far outpaced the interest in what it had to offer, and is now seeing a rapid contraction as the consumer sovereignty corrects those misread signals.


Phillip W. Magness is Senior Research Faculty and F.A. Hayek Chair in Economics and Economic History at the American Institute for Economic Research. He is also a Research Fellow at the Independent Institute. He holds a PhD and MPP from George Mason University’s School of Public Policy, and a BA from the University of St. Thomas (Houston). Prior to joining AIER, Dr. Magness spent over a decade teaching public policy, economics, and international trade at institutions including American University, George Mason University, and Berry College. Magness’s work encompasses the economic history of the United States and Atlantic world, with specializations in the economic dimensions of slavery and racial discrimination, the history of taxation, and measurements of economic inequality over time. He also maintains an active research interest in higher education policy and the history of economic thought. His work has appeared in scholarly outlets including the Journal of Political Economy, the Economic Journal, Economic Inquiry, and the Journal of Business Ethics. In addition to his scholarship, Magness’s popular writings have appeared in numerous venues including the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, Newsweek, Politico, Reason, National Review, and the Chronicle of Higher Education.

Peter C. Earle is an economist who joined AIER in 2018. Prior to that he spent over 20 years as a trader and analyst at a number of securities firms and hedge funds in the New York metropolitan area. His research focuses on financial markets, monetary policy, and problems in economic measurement. He has been quoted by the Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg, Reuters, CNBC, Grant’s Interest Rate Observer, NPR, and in numerous other media outlets and publications. Pete holds an MA in Applied Economics from American University, an MBA (Finance), and a BS in Engineering from the United States Military Academy at West Point.