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Tuesday, March 18, 2025

'Alarm on Pricey Skin Substitutes in Wound Care Industry'

 The runaway costs of skin substitutes for treating chronic wounds have experts and accountable care organizations (ACOs) sounding the alarm, and new rules targeting profiteering in the industry are now in limbo under the Trump administration.

Regulators at the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) argue that some of these skin substitutes, many of them human-derived, are being misused and their costs inflated by legally murky reimbursement schemes. And ACOs have often been on the hook for the bill.

One of the "most egregious" claims was for a patient in Florida who accumulated $9.8 million in costs over the course of about a year, according to David Klebonis, chief operating officer at the Palm Beach Accountable Care Organization in West Palm Beach, Florida.

ACOs usually see costs in the millions for serious treatments, like long-term intensive care unit stays or transplant surgeries, Klebonis told MedPage Today. "But in this case..., millions of dollars are being spent at a relatively small marginal benefit" when a "reasonable alternative" could have been used.

While the patient's ACO was only responsible for the first $125,000 due to certain stop-loss measures under ACO rules, the rest was paid by Medicare, leaving taxpayers to ultimately foot a roughly $9.7 million bill, he noted.

Over 200 different kinds of cellular- and tissue-based products (CTPs) used as skin substitutes have surfaced in the last several years. The products are designed to imitate, replace, and repair damaged skin and are used to treat ulcers, bedsores, and other chronic wounds that have failed to heal through standard methods of care.

New CMS recommendationsopens in a new tab or window meant to curb overuse were set to take effect on Feb. 12, but the Trump administration issued a "freeze"opens in a new tab or window on this guidance until April, and Trump himself has suggested the rules may be scrapped altogether.

Total revenue for skin substitutes in the U.S. has ballooned in the past 5 years, with an estimated increase from around $1 billion in 2019 to nearly $7 billion in 2024. In addition, total revenue for amniotic skin substitutes -- arguably the most advanced and expensive product -- jumped from just over $1 billion in 2022 to an estimated $5.5 billion in 2024.

Bad behavior in the industry has led to criminal charges as well. In one notable caseopens in a new tab or window, federal prosecutors charged two nurse practitioners along with an Arizona coupleopens in a new tab or window who owned two medical supply companies with Medicare fraud totaling $900 million, alleging that the defendants applied "unnecessary and extremely expensive" amniotic wound grafts and ignored proper treatment protocols. One of the owners also "instructed and financially incentivized" sales representatives to always order skin substitutes that were 4 × 6 cm or larger, even for small wounds, in an effort to maximize health insurance reimbursement. In January, the owners pleaded guiltyopens in a new tab or window to the charges.

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Estimates of total revenue for skin substitutes in the U.S. show increases from around $1 billion in 2019 to nearly $7 billion in 2024; image courtesy of SmartTRAK

Behind the Overuse, Abuse of Skin Substitutes

One reason the market for skin substitutes has grown is because many of these products are made from human tissue, said Caroline Fife, MD, chief medical officer for Intellicure, a health information technology company in The Woodlands, Texas, and executive director of the U.S. Wound Registry. They are "minimally manipulated" and intended for "homologous use," which means they aren't required to go through the FDA's premarket approval process and don't require clinical trials.

Each time a new product gets a new identification code, the companies set a new price. While some cost a few hundred dollars per square cm, the most expensive can cost over $4,000 per square cm, Fife explained.

Curiously, as Mervin Low, MD, a plastic surgeon and wound care specialist in Newport Beach, California, pointed out, there are only a handful of tissue banks in the country where skin substitutes are processed.

"And human placenta is human placenta ... So they might be identical products coming from the [same] tissue bank, but with just a different name and even perhaps a different price point," Low told MedPage Today.

This begs the question of why some products cost hundreds of dollars while others cost thousands for the same unit of product.

Fife believes she has an answer. Due to the rising cost of skin substitutes, CMS in 2015 establishedopens in a new tab or window a new payment policy in which Medicare reimbursed hospital outpatient departments a single payment for both the purchase and provision of skin substitutes, she said. The "packaged" price ultimately set a cap on hospital reimbursement. For 2025, the maximum for skin substitutes in the "high-cost tier" is $1,800.

Because of low reimbursement, there are few products that hospitals can afford to buy and still break even, and they may sometimes lose money, explained Fife. Meanwhile, physicians' offices are still reimbursed two separate payments: one for the skin substitutes and the other for applying them -- the average sales price (ASP) plus 6%.

To grow their sales, wound care companies began selling their products to clinicians at steep discounts off the ASP. However, if an ASP is listed, clinicians are reimbursed the full amount by Medicare without having to invoice the program. Clinicians then pocket the difference.

While this practice might be considered a kickback, it falls into a legal "gray area," Fife told MedPage Today.

"But what I can say is the ability of physicians in an office ... to make a lot of money off the product itself was not what CMS intended," she said, pointing to a "direct correlation" between the increase in the use of skin substitutes and the amount clinicians could make.

Given that these products, particularly amniotic wound care products, are unlikely to be substantially different, companies are essentially "inventing the pricing, so their margin is massive," she noted. Some wound care companies even highlight the profits that purchasers can make off their discounts, or "spread pricing."

In one advertisement, Fife flagged in 2023, a skin substitute representative whose company name has been redacted boasts of a "high reimbursement amniotic membrane,"opens in a new tab or window with the potential to reap $128,320 in profits over 10 weeks for wounds smaller than the average index card. The ad specifically notes that "no invoice for billing" is required.

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Skin substitute representatives have also left handwritten notes for physiciansopens in a new tab or window, detailing their product's reimbursement practice. In one note, provided to MedPage Today by Fife, Medicare would reimburse the provider $14,080, while the provider pays only $10,400 for the product, netting a $3,680 profit per weekly application -- that's $14,720 per patient per month.

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These financial incentives have created a secondary problem in the wound care space: attracting a new wave of clinicians, some of whom lack appropriate training.

"This is really the domain of plastic surgeons," Low said. "If your only tool is a hammer, everything's going to look like a nail. And if your only tool is these grafts, everything's going to get a graft -- good or bad, indicated or not indicated."

He said that while he uses skin substitutes, he selects only those products with clinical evidence, and is careful to choose the "right wound" -- one that is appropriately prepared and will accept a graft -- and the "right patient." For example, a patient with a diabetic foot ulcer must have blood sugars in a normal range, good blood flow to the wound, and be able to stay off the foot to avoid reinjury.

However, in conducting chart reviews and observing treated patients, Low said he has seen wounds that are inappropriately prepared, products that are applied to the wrong patients, and decisions to use excessively expensive brands that lack clinical evidence.

He added that he has also observed that some clinicians will start grafting a wound and continue on "autopilot" for the next 10 or 12 weeks. His own practice is to place the skin substitute, then reassess the patient after 2 to 4 weeks.

"I've personally seen patients that have had large numbers of expensive grafts with little to no benefit and in some cases where the wounds get worse," he said. Some skin cancers, for example, can be mistaken for chronic wounds. Grafting over them can lead to a missed diagnosis and to the cancer spreading.

Still, skin substitutes work, Low acknowledged. "I think they're good for patients," and can prevent hospitalizations and amputations, he noted. "It's just drilling down on who should be using them, when to use them, and what to use."

Lori Lane, DPM, medical director of LA Medical Associates in West Palm Beach, who works alongside Klebonis at the Palm Beach Accountable Care Organization, also said she is prudent in choosing when to use skin substitutes and for which patients. When it comes to overuse and abuse, she blames CMS more than any alleged bad actor.

"Ethically, [clinicians] probably should choose the least expensive product to put on, but in their opinion, one product may work better than another," she told MedPage Today. "CMS failed here because there were no restrictions around these particular codes for a significant amount of time, and it led to abuse, because it was easy to do."

Regulators Intervene, Wound Companies Push Back

In responding to the dramatic increases in the use and cost of these products, Medicare administrative contractors (MACs) -- private insurers to whom CMS awards contracts regionally to process Medicare Part A and B claims and make coverage recommendations -- proposed local coverage determinationsopens in a new tab or window (LCDs) for skin substitutes/grafts and CTPs in April 2024.

The LCDs focused on two specific indications -- diabetic foot ulcers and venous leg ulcers -- and drastically limited the number and type of products recommended for coverage.

In November, all of the Medicare Part B MACs released final LCDs opens in a new tab or windowto provide guidance on the use of skin substitutes, with CMS noting that "coverage will be provided for skin substitute grafts/CTPs that have peer-reviewed, published evidence supporting their use as an adjunctive treatment for chronic ulcers shown to have failed established methods of healing."

The guidance limited coverage to 17 products for treating diabetic foot ulcers and venous leg ulcers based on a review of the scientific literature, and rejected coverage for 186 others. The LCDs also limited the number of applications to eight within a 12- to 16-week period and called for using products whose size is consistent with that of the wound.

During a virtual town hall in December, John McCallum, executive chairman of Vivex Biologics, a developer of amniotic membrane allografts, described the entire LCD approach as "misguided."

"Patients have benefited from these products for many years, and lack of [randomized controlled trial] data for these products has never been used as a rationale for non-coverage," he said. "The real issue is that skin substitute costs are escalating at an unsustainable rate. This is not a clinical data problem. It's a cost problem ... and these issues need to be resolved by policymakers on Capitol Hill, and not by accountants at the MACs."

ACOs Sound the Alarm

ACOs have been calling for CMS to take action and had originally pressed for a national coverage determination, since, by definition, they are held accountable for costs of care and quality and have little recourse for controlling their costs when providers make inappropriate care decisions.

Klebonis noted that when there are downstream clinicians "coloring outside the lines," it falls to the primary care provider to reach out for an explanation or to use a network of doctors and others who practice appropriate care.

"I think where the system breaks down is for patients that are not in an ACO" where skin substitute treatments "go on for an extended period" as a perceived "victimless crime," he said. "It's other people's money ... and the doctor says, 'it might as well go to me.'"

In October, Aisha Pittman, MPH, senior vice president of government affairs at the National Association of ACOs, said that despite flagging overuse of these costly skin substitutes, ACOs have few tools to combat the practice.

ACOs operate in the traditional Medicare space, which lacks utilization management tools, like prior authorization -- a tool common to Medicare Advantage, she said. So, there isn't a clear mechanism for ACOs to stop the overuse and misuse they've been seeing, apart from warning CMS and the HHS Office of the Inspector General.

Pittman recently told MedPage Today that the LCDs are a "step in the right direction." However, some members have said that because it applies to only two indications, she is concerned it "doesn't go far enough," she added.

While CMS did institute a rule to hold ACOs harmless for "significant, anomalous, and highly suspect"opens in a new tab or window billing, it may not apply to skin substitutes since their overuse and abuse tend to be regional, and the rule only applies to broad national waste. Still, "overall, the policy that was finalized is positive and allows us to respond more quickly to future issues," Pittman said.

The agency also developed a "redetermination process" where ACOs can request a review of claims and a "mitigating factor" for potential fraud, waste, and abuse, which Pittman said she believes will help address more localized issues.

In November, the HHS Office of Inspector General announced plans to review Medicare Part B claimsopens in a new tab or window for skin substitutes to identify those "at risk for noncompliance" with Medicare requirements, with a report expected in 2026. However, President Trump fired HHS Inspector General Christi Grimmopens in a new tab or window in late January.

Trump Administration Postpones New CMS Guidance

On Jan. 20, President Trump issued a memorandum calling for a "regulatory freezeopens in a new tab or window" on agencies issuing "any rule in any manner" until an agency head has reviewed the rule. The memo also recommends agencies postpone the effective date of any rules published in the Federal Register for 60 days.

In a press releaseopens in a new tab or window, the Medicare Access to Skin Substitutes (MASS) Coalition applauded the freeze and suggested it applied to the skin substitute LCDs.

The pause would also allow Medicare beneficiaries with diabetic foot ulcers and venous leg ulcers to "access needed treatments in order to avoid sepsis and amputations that can lead to increased costs to Medicare for lengthy in-hospital treatment, as well as premature death, for at least the next 2 months."

The coalition characterized the LCDs as "precisely the type of Biden-era behind-closed-doors regulatory action that the Freeze Order was intended to stop," and called for complete rescindment to avoid a "catastrophic treatment shortage."

Preeya Pinto, a partner at King & Spalding in Washington, D.C., who represents the MASS Coalition, told MedPage Today that if the current LCDs are implemented, 85% of wound products would not be covered, leaving only 15% of products to serve the entire Medicare population.

"And that's clearly not what the Trump administration wants to happen," Pinto said, adding that she's hopeful that by educating a new administration about these access concerns and the clinical evidence supporting these products, the coalition and the administration will reach a workable solution.

In a Truth Social postopens in a new tab or window earlier this month, Trump shared a graphic suggesting the new CMS regulations would lead to more emergency department visits, amputations, and mortality for patients with diabetes; the illustration said "we must end this policy now."

"I don't have any inside knowledge as to whether the LCDs will be implemented on April 13," Fife said recently on her siteopens in a new tab or window. "However, if they are, I am confident it will not lead to an increase in diabetic amputations."


"Patients with DFUs [diabetic foot ulcers] will not be harmed by the implementation of the LCD(s) simply because the options for treating DFUs are limited to more than a dozen products with good clinical data," she added. "The LCDs will hurt the revenue stream for manufacturers whose products are priced more than 1,000% higher than the ones on the covered list (even though price was not a criterion for getting on the list)."

Appropriate Wound Care Matters

Even in the context of flagrant misuse and overuse, Fife stressed that a "crisis of chronic wounds" does exist in the U.S., with close to 17% of Medicare beneficiaries having non-healing wounds and most having more than one.

Whether skin substitutes are positively impacting that problem, however, is harder to quantify, she said.

Lane noted that "wound care is an evolving speciality that has a significant place in healthcare. It does save limbs. It does save lives. It does improve quality of life for patients."

"And when something like this happens, it kind of puts a bad mark on it," she said. "And it's frustrating for those who do it for the right reasons and do it the right way."

https://www.medpagetoday.com/special-reports/exclusives/114717

AstraZeneca Sets Sights and $1.35B on Subcutaneous Cancer Drugs With Alteogen Alliance

 

Monday was a busy day for AstraZeneca, which also paid up to $1 billion to acquire Belgian biotech EsoBiotec and its cell therapy pipeline and technology.

AstraZeneca capped off a hectic Monday with a deal potentially totaling $1.35 billion with South Korean biotech Alteogen to advance novel subcutaneous therapies for cancer.

The pact, reported by several news outlets, involves two separate contracts, according to Fierce Pharma, citing a Google-translated filing from Alteogen. The first agreement will see AstraZeneca make a $25 million upfront payment and commit up to $725 million in potential milestones, while AstraZeneca will front $20 million in the second deal, alongside a potential $580 million in future payments.

BioSpace has reached out to both Alteogen and AstraZeneca for independent confirmation of these details and to obtain more information on the overall partnership.

At the center of Monday’s deal is Alteogen’s proprietary recombinant hyaluronidase enzyme ALT-B4, which enables the subcutaneous administration of large volumes of drugs that would otherwise need to be delivered intravenously. Through the Alteogen deal, AstraZeneca bought worldwide rights over ALT-B4, which it plans to use to develop subcutaneous formulations of “several assets in our portfolio,” CMO Cristian Massacesi said in a prepared statement on Monday.

The pharma has yet to specify which these assets are, with Massacesi only noting that this thrust is part of the pharma’s aim to develop new cancer treatment options “that can transform the way cancer care is delivered.”

The partnership with AstraZeneca is similar to deals Alteogen has struck with other pharmas to incorporate hyaluronidase into their drugs. The company has collaborations with Merck to work on Keytruda formulations, and with Daichii Sankyo to incorporate ALT-B4 into Enhertu, the cancer drug Daichii developed and co-commercialized with AstraZeneca.

Also on Monday, AstraZeneca inked a potential $1 billion agreement to buy Belgian biotech EsoBiotec, gaining access to its cell therapy pipeline and technology. The buyout, once it clears customary conditions and closes in the second quarter of 2025, will give the pharma access to the ENaBL platform, which allows for in vivo cell engineering, reprogramming patients’ cells inside their bodies.

As in the case of Alteogen, AstraZeneca will leverage the EsoBiotec deal for a stronger position in cancer, while also boosting its capabilities in autoimmune and other immune-mediated conditions.

AstraZeneca on Monday also unveiled high-level results from the Phase III CALYPSO trial of its parathyroid hormone receptor 1 agonist eneboparatide, being developed for chronic hypoparathyroidism. At 24 weeks, the pharma reported that the candidate met the study’s primary composite endpoint of normalization of albumin-adjusted serum calcium concentrations and independence from active vitamin D and oral calcium therapy. AstraZeneca did not provide more specific data in its news release.

https://www.biospace.com/business/astrazeneca-sets-sights-and-1-35b-on-subcutaneous-cancer-drugs-with-alteogen-alliance

China's Xi 'Angered' by Panama Port Deal Prioritized By Trump

 Starting in 2017 Panama signed on with the Chinese government's Belt and Road Initiative. This prior deal required the Panamanian government to recognize Taiwan as part of China, which of course runs afoul of Washington foreign policy.

Beijing was alarmed when President Donald Trump hailed a deal led by US firm BlackRock to buy most of the $22.8 billion ports business of Hong Kong conglomerate CK Hutchison. This includes assets along the historic canal. The White House under Trump has all the while been very vocal from the start about what it's described as removing Chinese ownership.

On Tuesday Chinese leader Xi Jinping is said to be 'angry' about the plan, especially as BlackRock didn't seek Beijing's approval in advance.

A prior visit by President Xi to the Panama Canal, via Xinhua

The Wall Street Journal in a fresh report says, "The Xi leadership had originally planned to use the Panama port issue as a bargaining chip in negotiations with the Trump administration, according to people close to Beijing’s decision-making, only to see the rug pulled out from under it."

The apparent cooperation of Panama in Trump's vision to 'reassert' American control over the vital trade waterway has been characterized in Chinese state media in recent weeks as a 'betrayal' of the Chinese people.

According to the the fresh WSJ analysis:

In Beijing, several Chinese authorities including the State Administration for Market Regulation and the Ministry of Commerce have been told to study the deal with the aim of reviewing what Beijing can do to hinder it, according to a person familiar with the matter. Bloomberg earlier reported the Beijing authorities’ review.

Despite Beijing’s unhappiness, it doesn’t have a simple way to halt the deal. The assets to be sold are all outside mainland China and Hong Kong, and the parties to the transaction have expressed confidence that it can be completed.

The deal puts Xi in a tricky position. On one hand, Beijing has had to make clear its anger over the Hong Kong company’s move, which came without advance notice, to protect Xi’s strongman image, the people close to decision-making said. On the other, they said, Beijing is aware that any significant effort to torpedo the deal risks escalating tensions with the Trump administration. So far, China has been relatively restrained in its retaliation against Trump’s new tariffs on China, suggesting its desire to keep tensions under control.

In early February, as the White House was first revealing what would be a series of hard-hitting foreign policy reversals (from Biden), the US State Department asserted: "Trump has made a preliminary determination that the current position of influence and control of the Chinese Communist Party over the Panama Canal area is a threat to the canal."

Illustration by The Epoch Times, Google Earth, Shutterstock

Trump also told Congress, "My administration will be reclaiming the Panama Canal, and we’ve already started doing it." Even on his inauguration address, he said, "China is operating the Panama Canal" - in a  reference to the Hong Kong company CK Hutchison's role there.  

Xi's government has meanwhile admitted that it is not in a strong position in Panama. Beijing has viewed the Hong Kong company as acting outside of the mainland's interest, setting up for a tricky standoff indeed.

https://www.zerohedge.com/geopolitical/chinas-xi-angered-panama-port-deal-prioritized-trump

Injunction Dysfunction Or Tyrant Disruption? Trump-Era Judicial Paralysis Explained

 by Ben Weingarten via RealClearInvestigations,

Can a single judge unilaterally thwart the president of the United States?

That’s the contentious question the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to resolve last week in response to court orders blocking its effort to curtail birthright citizenship, and after a slew of decrees requiring the president do everything from halting major actions on DEI and domestic spending to disbursing billions in foreign aid. 

At issue is a legal remedy, universal injunctions, that allows any of the nearly 700 federal judges to prevent the president from enforcing policies not only against those bringing a case but anyone, everywhere. Universal injunctions were rare until the first Trump administration, when their usage exploded as Democrats and progressives turned to the courts to block many of his policies.

In the early days of Donald Trump’s second administration, courts have issued such injunctions at a historic pace and with growing potency, notably over the weekend with a suspension in deportations of Venezuelan gang members without a hearing. During the month of February alone, district court judges, most nominated by Democrats, ordered 15 such injunctions – more than Joe Biden faced during his first three years as president. Courts from Washington, D.C., to Washington State have issued injunctions in “epidemic proportions,” now not only governing “the whole nation” but “the whole world,” the administration says. 

The injunctions come in response to the 100-plus lawsuits that, critics argue, blue states, progressive nonprofits, and ex-government officials have deliberately brought before sympathetic judges – a tactic known as “forum shopping” or “judge shopping” that both parties have employed.

Democrats and progressive legal scholars argue these injunctions are a necessary brake because Trump is creating what they call a constitutional crisis by pushing the bounds of his office. “Thankfully,” Senate Judiciary Committee Ranking Democrat Dick Durbin has said, “the judiciary is performing its duty to check the executive.”

The universal injunctions ordered so far have not only hamstrung the president but raised myriad legal and practical questions, some of which the administration raised in its applications to stay the birthright citizenship injunctions filed last week. These include whether a court’s authority is limited to ruling on cases and controversies concerning the parties before it; if it’s reasonable for the federal government to have to “run the table over months of litigation in multiple courts of appeals to have any chance of implementing” its policies; and to what extent the Supreme Court wishes to see conflicting circuit court opinions as to universal injunctions’ legitimacy persist.

So far, the nation’s highest court has been unwilling to resolve these questions, despite past pleadings from Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch and the Biden administration. The Supremes’ reticence was brought into stark relief earlier this month when a 5-4 majority issued a one-page opinion involving a D.C. district court’s universal injunction halting the Trump administration’s “pause” on foreign assistance. The ruling neither grappled with the merits of the case nor the ability of the trial judge, Amir Ali, to, in critics’ eyes, micromanage a president.

Alito 'Stunned' 

In a blistering, seven-page-plus dissent, Justice Samuel Alito wrote that he was “stunned” that the court’s majority had asserted that "a single district court judge" has “the unchecked power to compel the Government of the United States to pay out (and probably lose forever) 2 billion taxpayer dollars.”

The court's reluctance to weigh in as such cases have worked their way through the lowers courts has left all three branches of government in limbo, and increasingly at each other's throats. As the Trump administration accused “liberal district court judges” of “abusing their power” to unilaterally block the president’s basic executive authority, frustrated congressional Republicans are moving to pass legislation to curtail universal injunctions while making it harder to “judge shop.” Some are even pursuing the more extreme measure of impeaching judges perceived to have overstepped their authorities – recently drawing the ire of at least two federal circuit court judges.

The dueling clashes between Democrats and a president they see as overreaching in pursuit of his agenda, and Republicans and a judiciary they see as overreaching while the Supreme Court sits idly by, come months after Chief Justice John Roberts issued a report hailing judicial independence and fretting over purported threats to it.

The 'No Rogue Rulings Act of 2025'

Scholars differ over when courts first started issuing universal injunctions, some dating them back to the Progressive Era and others to the 1960s. Congress’s concern with such decrees appears to have begun escalating during the first Trump administration – when their usage exploded – with panels in both houses holding hearings on the practice.

No matter what the Supreme Court decides in the case brought by the Trump administration, congressional Republicans are addressing the issue. 

On March 5, the day Alito issued his dissent, Rep. Darrell Issa, a California Republican, brought his “No Rogue Rulings Act of 2025” before the House Judiciary Committee. The legislation would prohibit district courts from issuing injunctive relief beyond the party seeking it in court.

Issa argued that while Democrat and Republican presidents have both been stymied by universal injunctions, none has found himself nearly as constrained as Trump. He spoke while introducing his bill flanked by a chart showing the number of decrees issued against each administration from that of George W. Bush onward.

According to an April 2024 Harvard Law Review article, courts slapped the first Trump administration with 64 universal injunctions, more than half of all such injunctions entered between 1963 and 2023 – that is, over six decades. Democrat-nominated judges issued 92% of these orders.

In notable instances, the 45th president prevailed on appeal – as in Trump v. Hawaii, a case overturned at the Supreme Court concerning his executive order restricting travel from nations posing terror threats – but often only after months of litigation.

Justice Clarence Thomas laid out his argument against the use of universal injunctions in a concurrence in that 2018 case, calling them “legally and historically dubious” and “inconsistent with longstanding limits on equitable relief and the power of Article III courts.”

“If federal courts continue to issue them, this Court is dutybound to adjudicate their authority to do so,” Thomas concluded – a position Justice Gorsuch, too, would adopt.

The first Trump administration would oppose their usage in public remarks and official guidance, but the court never took up the question, and the injunctions persisted. Ranking Judiciary Committee Democrat Jamie Raskin shot back at Issa over the chart that “the implication … is that somehow the courts have done something wrong rather than Donald Trump having done something wrong.”

The courts have targeted Trump, Raskin argued, “because he is trampling the lawmaking and spending powers of the Congress of the United States. He’s violating the Civil Service Rights of federal workers. And he’s betraying the federal law in every particular way.”

Advocates of such injunctions contend that, beyond constraining an overreaching executive, by covering non-parties to a case, they protect those who might lack the resources to bring suit; reduce needless litigation; and are at times practically necessary, while promoting uniformity.

Raskin, who voted against the legislation alongside his fellow Democrats, did not respond to RCI’s inquiries in connection with this story.

The Biden administration took a different position when courts issued universal injunctions against its favored policies. In December 2024 it asked the Supreme Court to stay one such injunction halting enforcement of the Corporate Transparency Act. Therein, the departing president endorsed both Thomas’s and Gorsuch’s criticisms of the practice, and called on the Court to consider ruling on their legality. It did not.

Issa’s bill passed out of committee with an amendment permitting a three-judge panel to issue a universal injunction should a case be brought by two or more states located in different circuits. He characterized this as a “middle ground, something that’s fair” to protect presidents, regardless of party.

He anticipates his bill will come to the House floor “relatively quickly” and pass.

Hours after the markup, Republican Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley of Iowa took to the Senate floor to express concern about “some of the recent orders from individual district judges, issued on an expedited basis with very broad nationwide impact.”

In a statement to RealClearInvestigations, Sen. Grassley said, “Allowing a single district judge to unilaterally micromanage the executive branch should raise eyebrows, to say the least. I have serious questions about district courts’ recent use of [generally non-appealable] temporary restraining orders [which Justice Alito argued deserved scrutiny] and universal injunctions to put a leash on the executive branch, and I think Congress ought to closely examine the issue.” 

Grassley’s committee colleague, Utah Republican Mike Lee, is working on a bill to curtail the practice. “The Constitution empowers Congress to address this issue by limiting jurisdiction and, in some cases, through impeachment," Senator Lee said. "I am drafting legislation to establish a [three-judge] panel that would expedite Supreme Court review of such blanket injunctions.”

Checkered History of Reform

Whether and to what extent a bill to curtail injunctions can pass through the Senate is unclear, though Rep. Issa told RCI he was optimistic. Similar legislation has languished in past Congresses – though notably, federal law called for three-judge panels to preside over cases dealing with injunctions against federal statutes until its repeal in the 1970s.

Democrats and Republicans alike have also previously sponsored legislation aimed at combatting the related practice of forum- or judge-shopping, only for those bills to die. While considered a “first cousin” to the issue of nationwide injunctions, Issa said there will be legislation forthcoming to deter it. He touted a companion bill that would require disclosure of third-party funding of cases.

The California congressman also told RCI he would be raising matters of judiciary reform before the Judicial Conference of the United States – which held its biannual meeting Tuesday – while noting that he believed Attorney General Pam Bondi would be making a similar pitch.

The Justice Department did not respond to RCI’s inquiries in connection with this story.

The conference, chaired by Justice Roberts, meets twice per year to “consider administrative and policy issues affecting the federal court system, and to make recommendations to Congress concerning legislation involving the Judicial Branch.”

The organization, which has previously issued nonbinding guidelines concerning judge shopping, Rep. Issa says, may serve as a venue to “fix some of these things sooner rather than later.”

For its part, the Trump administration recently availed itself of its own tool to “ensur[e] the democratic process remains intact by curbing activist judges and holding litigants accountable.”

It published a memorandum last Tuesday requiring parties seeking injunctions against it to “cover the costs and damages incurred if the Government is ultimately found to have been wrongfully enjoined or restrained.” This, it has argued, would “deter frivolous litigation” by creating risks for “[a]ctivist groups” filing “meritless lawsuits.”

The White House did not respond to RCI’s inquiries in connection with this story.

A March 13th order from U.S. District Court Judge James Bredar in Maryland illustrated the limits of this effort. In directing the administration to reinstate federal workers fired across 18 agencies, Bredar imposed an injunction bond of a mere $100 per plaintiff.

One Sen. Lee aide has indicated that Congress could look to pass legislation, perhaps as part of a package limiting universal injunctions, to ensure injunction bonds meet certain standards – a law that would presumably combat judicial efforts to demand artificially small bonds.

Musk: 'A Wave of Judicial Impeachments'

Injunctions aside, as Sen. Lee suggests, there is a more extreme remedy for taking on justices whose jurisprudence is perceived to be beyond the pale: impeachment.

Elon Musk has called for an “immediate wave of judicial impeachments, not just one,” as he put it, in a quote tweet referencing D.C. District Judge John D. Bates. The judge had ordered federal health agencies to restore certain pages removed from their websites pursuant to President Trump’s executive order on “gender ideology and extremism.”

Some GOP House members concur. They have introduced articles of impeachment against Bates, one of three such judges threatened with the ultimate sanction, generally on grounds of abuse of judicial power. 

Another is Judge Paul Engelmayer, a Southern District of New York judge who originally prohibited President Trump’s chosen personnel – from DOGE staffers to senior appointees, including even Secretary Scott Bessent himself – from accessing Treasury Department payment systems.

D.C. District Judge Amir Ali is the third judge to have been hit with articles of impeachment to date. He issued the temporary restraining order halting the administration’s foreign aid pause that drew the rebuke of the Supreme Court’s minority.

With his weekend directive halting President Trump's effort to remove Tren de Aragua gang members from the U.S. via invocation of the wartime Alien Enemies Act, Chief Judge of the D.C. District Court James Boasberg is poised to join his colleagues as the fourth judge to face articles of impeachment this year. Hours after Chief Judge Boasberg issued his directive, House Judiciary Committee member Brandon Gill, a Republican from Texas, announced on X that he would be filing such articles this week.

Republican Congressman Andrew Clyde of Georgia told RCI, “If any judge can weaponize their power to usurp the president’s legitimate Article II authority and defy the will of the American people, then we no longer have a constitutional Republic.”

In response, he and GOP Reps. Eli Crane of Arizona and Andy Ogles of Tennessee, sponsors of such articles of impeachment, have launched a Judicial Activism Accountability Task Force. “We encourage members who are passionate about ending abusive judicial overreach, upholding the separation of powers, and defending the U.S. Constitution to join our effort,” Rep. Clyde added.

Congress has impeached only 15 federal judges in U.S. history, convicting eight – almost always on grounds of corruption. Three left the federal bench before impeachment proceedings concluded.

Despite the rarity of such efforts, Rep. Crane told RCI, “Our Founders gave us the power to impeach, and we cannot take stands based on what the Senate is allegedly going to do. We owe it to the American people to use every tool at our disposal.”

Following the Judicial Conference’s biannual meeting, it hosted a call with reporters in which two circuit court judges, Jeffrey Sutton and Richard Sullivan, condemned these efforts.

“Threats to judges are threats to judicial independence,” Sutton saidacknowledging the calls for impeachment. “One thing worth keeping in mind is if we dilute the standards for impeachment, that’s not just a problem for judges, that’s a problem for all three branches of government.”

Sullivan added that “Impeachment is not – shouldn’t be – a short circuiting of th[e judicial] process, and so it is concerning if impeachment is used in a way that is designed to do just that.”

Clyde told RCI that beyond impeachment, “I certainly think other remedies to combat judicial activism are worth pursuing, and I anticipate that’s an avenue our task force will explore.”

While myriad cases make their way through the courts, Democrats have suggested the Trump administration is going to lose patience and seek out a more dramatic showdown.

Chairman Grassley’s remarks on the Senate floor came in response to a speech from Ranking Member Durbin regarding a resolution calling on the Senate to affirm “the rule of law and the legitimacy of judicial review.” 

The Illinois senator and other Democrats insinuated, based on recent remarks from the presidentvice president, and others in and around the administration, that it might defy a court order, necessitating the resolution.

In a rejoinder, Grassley argued that Democrats had “repeatedly threatened the court for ruling in ways that they did not like” and remained mum while President Biden flouted the Supreme Court in response to its positions on policies like the CDC eviction moratorium, student loan debt relief, and affirmative action. 

Now that we have a Republican President, my Democratic colleagues appear to have a newfound respect for the courts,” Grassley said, calling Durbin’s resolution “nothing but a partisan messaging statement.” 

In a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing Thursday, Grassley defended the Trump administration, noting:

In the few weeks since he’s been in office, President Trump has been overwhelmed by decisions from individual district judges that encroach on his core constitutional powers. Nevertheless, he and his administration have worked diligently to abide by those orders, no matter how outrageous, by appealing them and challenging their scope and reach. And the President has been explicit about his views. He’s said, “I always abide by the courts, always abide by them. And we’ll appeal.”

Nevertheless, invoking the Dred Scott decision and other landmark decisions, the chairman noted, “Our history teaches that, in extreme cases, there may even be grounds to defy a court decision.”

Just days later, it appeared to some that such an extreme case might have arisen. 

Critics of the Trump administration and many in the media were quick to claim it had defied D.C. District Chief Judge Boasberg's Saturday universal injunction halting the president's Tren de Aragua deportation effort. That's because several hundred members of the designated terrorist organization, apprehended and ticketed for deportation to El Salvador pursuant to the policy, landed there reportedly hours after Chief Judge Boasberg issued his directive — and despite his oral demands in a hearing just prior that any such flights be turned around.

In a notice to the court on Sunday, the administration indicated the members "had already been removed from U.S. territory" when the order came down. Citing this point, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt would issue a statement indicating that "The Administration did not ‘refuse to comply’ with a court order. ... The written order and the administration’s actions do not conflict."

"Moreover, as the Supreme Court has repeatedly made clear — federal courts generally have no jurisdiction over the President’s conduct of foreign affairs, his authorities under the Alien Enemies Act, and his core Article II powers to remove foreign alien terrorists from U.S. soil and repel a declared invasion. A single judge in a single city cannot direct the movements of an aircraft carrier full of foreign alien terrorists who were physically expelled from U.S. soil,” she added.

The administration would formally argue that Chief Judge Boasberg's order constitutes a "massive, unauthorized imposition" and "unprecedented intrusion upon the Executive's authority" in an emergency court filing that same day. Consistent with Chairman Grassley's remarks, it came in a motion to stay the order — while the president appeals it, and, per his administration's notice, as it uses other unchallenged authorities to target Tren de Aragua.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has called on the plaintiffs in the birthright citizenship cases to file their responses to the administration by April 4th.

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/injunction-dysfunction-or-tyrant-disruption-trump-era-judicial-paralysis-explained