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Wednesday, September 9, 2026

Anthropic: Mythos 5 tried to upload malicious package

 Anthropic PBC released an alignment assessment of four recent cybersecurity incidents on Wednesday, stating that it was most concerned about the one involving Claude Mythos 5, in which the model "went to extensive lengths to upload a malicious package to PyPI, the public repository from which most Python software is installed."

Despite the company making targeted modifications to the transcript to make it clear that the model was not in a simulation, "Claude Mythos 5 still took offensive actions, despite acknowledging a greater possibility of real-world harm." While Claude's actions were misaligned, they were still within a narrow scope. Claude did not try to hide evidence or coordinate with other agents, with Anthropic adding that the deviant behaviors in these incidents "are unlikely to arise in ordinary use, where Claude is not being instructed to conduct a cyberattack."

Overall, two recurring alignment issues were identified: recklessness and biased reasoning, with the levels of severity varying.

https://breakingthenews.net/Article/Anthropic:-Mythos-5-tried-to-upload-malicious-package/67076143

Personal Finance and the Road to Reparations

 Beginning with the 2026-2027 academic year, millions of K-12 students will have to complete a personal finance course to graduate from high school. Thirty states are either phasing in the course requirement, or have already done so, and nine states require the content to be integrated into other courses.

Yet many students will learn far more than how to buy a car, shop for insurance, and manage their household budgets. In schools using the free open education resource, NextGen Personal Financial Literacy (NGPF), each year five million students in more than 150,000 classrooms in all 50 states will learn that they are victims of slavery that ended in 1865 -- 161 years ago. They will learn how reparations “redress the harms of slavery and violence against Black Americans and other historically excluded communities.”

Using Culturally Responsive Teaching, race-based Marxist propaganda is fused into units on “racial discrimination” in financial wealth, banking, housing, education, and employment.

In the financial wealth unit, students are to analyze how “financial practices have led to modern racial inequities in the United States.” The housing unit claims that racial discrimination is creating a barrier to black ownership of a home. Students must analyze “housing practices and policies that have prevented, and continue to prevent, communities of color from generating wealth.” Ignoring that affirmative action has favored blacks over whites, the unit on education and employment examines how racial discrimination “has impacted access to higher education and student debt” and “employment and wages.”

By offering professional development for teachers, NGPF can be assured its free curriculum reaches the classroom regardless of whether the district or state approves its use. Because the open resource can be downloaded by teachers from the internet without taxpayer funding, there is no penalty for using it.

The argument that reparations are to “redress the harms of slavery and violence” that have hindered the economic progress of blacks has no basis.

For their reparations project, student research should include the seminal work by Thomas Sowell, Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality, in which he concludes that the vast majority of whites and blacks believe there are more blacks living in poverty than there actually are. Indeed, it is a well-documented public misperception, which has been tracked in public polls for decades, that three out of four blacks -- 75 percent -- live in poverty. According to the 2020 “Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement,” the poverty rate for blacks is not three out of four, but rather 18.8 percent or fewer than one out of five.

The narrative that the majority of blacks are very poor is fostered by racial demagogues, such as Al Sharpton, who stand to gain politically and financially from having constituents believe they are oppressed by whites.

As they ponder the effect of slavery on the presumed wealth gap between blacks and whites in America, students should also read Out of America: A Black Man Confronts Africa, in which Keith Richburg concludes that descendants of slaves brought to America from Africa are far better off than the descendants of those who were left in Africa. "Thank God my nameless ancestor, brought across the ocean in chains and leg irons, made it out alive," he concludes. "Thank God I am an American."

Even with modern medical technology introduced into Africa during European colonization, Africa still lags behind the rest of the world. Sub-Saharan Africa has some of the poorest countries in the world, with disease, war, famine, and military dictators.

Rather than being an “oppressed class,” American blacks are richer than 90 percent of the people in the world, and they live longer than African and Caribbean blacks and even whites in much of Eastern Europe and Latin America. They have higher rates of literacy and have achieved more postsecondary degrees than African blacks.

Who should pay? The descendants of Civil War-era Southerners who had no slaves? The descendants of post-Civil War immigrants who had little to do with slavery and who now comprise the majority of whites living in America?

Who should receive reparations? The descendants of blacks who were free before slavery ended? The descendants of African and Caribbean émigrés from the post-Civil War era?

Implicit reparations have been, and are being made, in the form of welfare payments and affirmative action that has allowed blacks to enter universities and obtain employment based on preferential criteria. Not only are reparations unnecessary as a corrective measure, but are an insult to the millions of successful blacks who have lifted themselves out of poverty.

The problem of poverty is not slavery. It is the black culture with single-parent families. It is the adoption of Democrat Party government programs that encourage dependency.

The NGPF curriculum is Critical Race Theory fused with personal finance lessons. This pre-determines that students will be indoctrinated into the ideology of victimization rather than conducting unbiased discovery. The student outcome will be further radicalized students who believe that the U.S., and specifically whites, is inherently racist.

Parents must be vigilant about what their children are learning as well as the school climate. If any NGPF materials are used in classrooms, parents must exercise their rights to get the materials removed. A better solution is to educate one’s child in non-government schools, including homeschooling, microschools, and private schools.

Carole Hornsby Haynes is a national education policy advisor, curriculum advisor, historian, and national commentator shaping curriculum standards, legislative outcomes, and academic models grounded in historical and cultural literacy.

https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2026/09/personal-finance-and-the-road-to-reparations/

Old standby Obama changes his tune on redistricting

 by Jeannie DeAngelis

With the midterms and 2028 looming like a cloud of uncertainty, the Democrats have called on their most esteemed persuader, Barack Hussein Obama.  Like Whack-A-Mole, the man who should be retired keeps popping up everywhere, doling out pointers on how redistricting could deliver a Democrat victory from the jaws of defeat.

Why Obama?  Because this is a man whose favorite topic is that anyone or anything threatening Democrat control of America is the antithesis of his own stilted vision of democracy.  Remember that Obama called for “fundamental transformation.”  But how to get there is not set in stone, because Obama is willing to be flexible if that flexibility ensures Democrats defeat those who oppose his transformational change.

Obama has spent years condemning partisan gerrymandering as something that distorts democracy — or rather, his distorted definition of “democracy.”  Lest we forget, partisan redistricting can ensure that the same statewide electorate produces a different distribution of congressional seats depending on where the district lines are drawn.

In 2016, while discussing partisan redistricting, Obama said, “In America, politicians should not pick their voters; voters should pick their politicians.”  He immediately added that this principle should apply “across the nation, not just in a select few states.  It should be done everywhere.”

In other words, on the surface, Obama wasn’t merely condemning a party that benefits from redistricting; he was condemning whichever party is in power for drawing districts to gain a partisan advantage, which is not illegal.  But trust me: Obama is just fine with using redistricting if it steers an election left.

Don’t you love how good ol’ Obama always includes his party in the condemnation, appears evenhanded, and then pivots to condemnation and justification?  It’s classic Obama.

Less than a decade later, after Texas did what Obama said he disapproved of, Obama-style sibilance is whistling a different tune by recommending a similar tactic.

After stressing his bipartisan creed and advocating electoral honesty, who would have thought that, after criticizing partisan gerrymandering and accusing politicians of “choosing voters,” Obama would respond to Republican mid-decade gerrymandering in Texas by encouraging Democrats to engage in redistricting?

In 2025–26, Obama promoted and actively supported Democrat counter-redistricting similar to the Republican redistricting he once opposed, because he now says it “levels the playing field,” a slogan used by Marxist socialists who want to “share the wealth.”  This time it’s political wealth, as the left, led by Obama, is attempting to redraw district boundaries to further the lagging fundamental transformation of America.

Adopting Republican policy worked when, in response to Texas’s mid-decade gerrymander, California adopted what Democrats had criticized.  That redistricting effort helped California pass Proposition 50.  Prop. 50 was a direct response to “Texas’ mid-decade partisan congressional redistricting” and was passed just in time for 2026.

Meanwhile, back on Martha’s Vineyard, Obama-era attorney general Eric Holder is still spending time with the former president.  Holder has publicly acknowledged that the current redistricting approach he and Obama are now pushing “kind of goes against what we talked about” before.  Why are these two advocating for something they once criticized?  Because both left-wing activists believe that changing direction and embracing what they now call anti-democratic is necessary to advance Obama’s tainted definition of democracy.

If Obama et al. now believe it’s beneficial to support redistricting to counter Republicans, the question for the rest of us, who’ve been regularly chided by the former president about how democracy works, is this: “Has the practice you and your cohorts repeatedly described as undemocratic become acceptable simply because your opponents have the advantage in the midterms?”

What other tactic is Obama willing to adopt as his own if doing so ensures political expediency?  On principle, Obama seems surprisingly malleable when political circumstances shift, as he did on super-PACs, executive privilege, and raising the debt ceiling.

This isn’t Obama humbly acquiescing to the brilliance of Republican political strategy.  It’s a haughty, self-impressed man likely adopting some of what Saul Alinsky taught community activists in Chicago — namely, advising street-level organizers to “make the enemy live up to their own book of rules.”

Alinsky was all for holding his adversaries rigorously to principle while retaining tactical flexibility for himself.  So changing his mind about redistricting might be Barack Obama’s way of finding an avenue to gain power by using what he criticized — adapting his tactics to the circumstances, Alinsky-style.

That’s why, in August 2025, Obama reportedly defended California’s response to Texas at a Martha’s Vineyard fundraiser, saying Texas was acting at the direction of a partisan White House, and then praised Gavin Newsom’s approach to countering the effort.

So here we are: It’s the end of summer in 2026, a few months before the midterms.  The old standby Obama either has been called into action or has volunteered to weigh in on how to adopt Republican techniques.  Judging from his Slim Shady antics, one shouldn’t be surprised if we find out that disagreeing with redistricting and then implementing it in retaliation against Republican methods in Texas wasn’t part of the Democrat plan from the beginning.  Disagree, appear to take the high ground, and then gaslight Republicans by saying you were forced to do what you disagreed with out of fairness and necessity.

This is a modern-day Scipio Africanus — Obama drawing up battle plans to defeat Hannibal Republicanus by turning his adversary’s strengths and tactics against him.

As the troops rally, Commander Obama was scheduled on August 31 to offer his professorial advice at a National Democratic Redistricting Committee fundraiser on Martha’s Vineyard — an event, ironically, hosted by a man closely associated with the Obama-era “Fast and Furious” scandal.

The fundraiser was held in a tony Massachusetts enclave, home to left-leaning voters more than willing to vote to ensure that all of us are subjected to things they’re rarely subjected to themselves.

Although this is all speculation, based on the contents of former transcripts on a similar topic, if I were a betting woman, I would imagine the speech included the usual threat-to-democracy twaddle, vilification of Trump, opposition to ICE, and warnings to those sipping martinis and munching on fig-and-prosciutto hors d’oeuvres about the realities of Republican voter suppression.

All this mystery raises questions about what kind of advice Obama actually gave political activists beyond the suggestion and basic premises of redistricting.  Did he up the ante?  Raise the stakes?  Throw caution to the wind?

Whether Obama advised his rapt audience on how to influence or deter support for the SAVE Act or bantered about voter ID being racially oppressive, no one knows for sure.  But we do know that, unlike his 2016 comments, the verbatim transcript of Obama’s unofficial “fighting fire with fire” event has not been published or released by major news outlets to date.

https://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2026/09/old-standby-obama-changes-his-tune-on-redistricting/

Clancy trial: 12 angry men becomes one angry man

 Below is my column on the attack unleashed by defense counsel Kevin Reddington on the holdout juror in the Lindsay Clancy case. As I said immediately during the coverage, I considered the attack utterly reprehensible and worthy of intervention by Judge William Sullivan. Reddington went out of his way to fuel the anger against this one juror, a dangerous and unprofessional play to the mob.

Here is the column:

“I hope that guy can sleep well at night.”

Those words from Kevin Reddington on the steps of the Plymouth, Massachusetts Courthouse were part of a diatribe against the “guy” who was reportedly the sole holdout in the Lindsay Clancy trial. The scene was a fitting end to a visceral trial, but it added a vindictive element that should prompt Judge William Sullivan to call out the seasoned defense attorney.

After declaring that the 11-1 mistrial was “no time to gloat,” Reddington bragged repeatedly about “crushing” District Attorney Tim Cruz, whom he also attacked. He insisted that, in the trial, no one said a single negative thing about his client as a mother — ignoring that little matter of the three young children whom she had strangled to death, one by one.

But it was his attack on the holdout juror that was a breathtaking abandonment of restraint and decency. Reddington knows it is very likely that the name of this juror (he has already been identified as one of only three males on the jury) will eventually be uncovered by Internet sleuths. He effectively put a target on the back of a juror who committed the unpardonable sin of not being convinced by his arguments.

The fact that this is one of the three male jurors only ramped up the rage. This case prompted a striking gender divide between men and women, with many women expressing sympathy for Clancy and anger at the system for failing her.

For Reddington and many viewers, the hung jury was less “Twelve Angry Men” and more like “One Angry Man.” Indeed, in addition to attacking the juror, women outside of the courthouse heckled Cruz as he tried to speak to the press, shouting that he “only cares about the three children. What about the Mom?”

Reddington followed up by saying that Cruz really did not care about the children (because he looked down to read their names). He also accused the holdout jurors of wasting the time of the jury, complaining “that guy stole seven weeks from those jurors.”

It was an ironic twist on the 1957 classic. In that movie, Juror number eight (Henry Fonda) was repeatedly attacked for “wasting time” and not yielding to the majority — until he ultimately convinced all of his peers.

Earlier in the day, Reddington had asked a Massachusetts Supreme Court justice for an emergency order to force Sullivan not to declare a mistrial, and instead to remove the holdout in favor of an alternate. It was an utterly meritless effort, but Reddington used the filing to further denounce the juror. He compared the juror’s refusal to vote for his client as akin to leaving a racist on a jury. In this case, he suggested that the “guy” was a virtual anti-disability version of “Bull” Connor or some deranged “ableist.”

The rising hatred toward this juror reflects how an act deemed noble in one context can be denounced as craven in another.

Take the 1957 classic movie. Viewers love to watch Henry Fonda stand alone against his fellow jurors to raise reasonable doubt in favor of the young defendant. But in this version, the sole juror believed that his fellow jurors were ignoring the defendant’s culpability.

Imagine the movie’s outcome if Reddington’s approach had been accepted in 1957, where Fonda could be pulled into court, questioned about his intransigence, and ultimately replaced with an alternate in order to flip the vote.

For all of the anger it has generated, the Clancy trial shows the best of our justice system. We have a system in which a single juror can stand against not only the rest of the jury, but against the world. The trial showed zealous counsel on both sides and a conscientious judge who ensured a fair trial despite the powerful emotions in society.

You can disagree with this juror and the outcome but still celebrate that our legal system comes down not to judges or lawyers, but to simple citizens doing justice in thousands of cases a year. It comes down to whether every juror can vote not for a popular choice, but for a moral one.

That is why some of us were so shocked by Reddington’s public attack on this one juror. This is not who we are supposed to be as officers of the court. We stand in the path of the mob, not leading it. In another great movie, “To Kill a Mockingbird,” Gregory Peck captured that role from the novel most vividly as Atticus Finch, standing before a jail to stop a lynch mob.

Finch showed that the strength of any legal system is ultimately only as strong as each individual’s ability to stand alone. He tells his daughter Scout, “The one thing that doesn’t abide by majority rule is a person’s conscience.”

Jonathan Turley is a law professor and the best-selling author of Rage and the Republic: The Unfinished Story of the American Revolution.

https://jonathanturley.org/2026/09/07/the-clancy-trial-when-twelve-angry-men-becomes-one-angry-man/

Association Health Plans Could Give Small Businesses A Break On Health Costs

by Sally Pipes

 Small businesses have struggled with the rising cost of health insurance for years. The Trump administration may soon give them a meaningful way to fight back.

The Labor Department has submitted a proposed rule to the White House that would establish new pathways for groups of employers to band together and sponsor association health plans, or AHPs. By combining workers from many firms, AHPs can give small businesses the scale, bargaining power and benefits-management sophistication that large employers already possess.

The timing could hardly be better. Ninety-four percent of Americans say the president and Congress should act on healthcare costs. And 79% of likely voters in nine Senate battleground states say healthcare costs will be very important to their vote.

AHPs offer a practical answer to that demand. They address a real problem in today’s market—that small businesses are much less likely than large employers to offer health insurance.

Ninety-seven percent of firms with at least 200 workers offer health benefits, compared with just 59% of firms with 10 to 199 workers. Among smaller firms that don’t offer coverage, 41% say cost is the main reason.

When smaller firms do offer coverage, workers often pay more for it. Employees with family coverage at firms with 10 to 199 workers shelled out an average of $8,889 toward premiums last year. Their peers at larger firms contributed $6,227, on average—some $2,600 less.

Association health plans attack that disparity in two ways. The first is scale.

A 20-person accounting firm or plumbing company has little leverage in the insurance market. It generally has far fewer options for customizing coverage and little leverage over the networks, benefit structures and prices insurers offer.

Large employers have many more options. They can hire benefits experts, customize coverage, spread risk across thousands of workers and often self-insure. Their size also gives them leverage with insurers, administrators, pharmacy-benefit managers and provider networks.

AHPs can give small businesses access to some of that same infrastructure. By pooling hundreds or thousands of employers, an association can spread administrative costs, hire professional benefits managers, gain leverage to negotiate better terms and potentially design or self-fund coverage that no individual small firm could build on its own.

Consider the National Association of Realtors. More than a million real-estate professionals belong to the organization, including many self-employed workers and small-business owners. Current federal rules limit its ability to pool that enormous membership into a single group health plan. The Labor Department’s proposal could create a pathway for organizations like NAR to pool eligible members and buy coverage with the clout of a huge employer.

AHPs can also offer greater regulatory flexibility. Obamacare requires individual and small-group plans to cover 10 categories of “essential health benefits.” Large-group plans generally face no such requirement. A qualifying AHP can therefore have more latitude to tailor coverage to what its members actually want to buy.

The evidence suggests those advantages can translate into savings. In 2024, the Congressional Budget Office concluded that lower premiums are the primary reason businesses choose AHPs. An earlier Avalere analysis projected that annual AHP premiums could run $1,900 to $4,100 below average small-group premiums.

Trump tried to expand AHPs during his first term by loosening restrictions on how associations could form and allowing some self-employed workers to participate. The Labor Department cited a Congressional Budget Office estimate that the rule could cover 400,000 otherwise uninsured people. A federal court later invalidated key provisions, and the Biden administration rescinded it.

Now the Labor Department is trying again. The details will matter. But the direction is promising.

For years, Washington has largely responded to unaffordable insurance by subsidizing ever-higher premiums. AHPs represent a different approach—one that can give small businesses more power to negotiate lower costs for their employees in the first place.

A neighborhood restaurant or plumbing company will never have the purchasing clout of a Fortune 500 corporation on its own. But there is no reason federal policy should prevent hundreds of those businesses from joining forces to bargain for a better deal. Expanding association health plans would help them do so.

https://www.forbes.com/sites/sallypipes/2026/09/08/association-health-plans-could-give-small-businesses-a-break-on-health-costs/

More Access. More Choice. Less Cost

Secretary Kennedy is right to question the cost and power of the American Medical Association’s Current Procedural Terminology monopoly. But eliminating CPT would solve the wrong problem—and could create a much larger one.

CPT is deeply embedded in American healthcare. It is the common language used to describe conventional medical services, process claims, and move enormous volumes of information through the insurance system. Whatever one thinks of the AMA’s role in controlling it, CPT has become critical infrastructure. Replacing it outright would be expensive, disruptive, and unnecessary.

The better answer is competition.

HHS does not need to tear down the existing coding system. It can preserve CPT while recognizing a complementary code set that fills the gaps CPT does not—and was never designed to—cover. That single change would end the practical monopoly over reimbursable care, open the claims system to a broader licensed healthcare workforce, and allow policymakers to measure whether those additional choices actually reduce costs.

Keep CPT. Fill the gaps. Open access. Measure the results.

The Real Cost Problem

America spent approximately $5.3 trillion on healthcare in 2024, or $15,474 for every person in the country. That is the number reform should be organized around.

For decades, the dominant strategy for controlling healthcare spending has been to squeeze payment within the existing system: lower reimbursement, tighter networks, more utilization review, fewer covered services. Yet the underlying cost problem remains. At the same time, physicians and hospitals face increasing administrative pressure, workforce shortages, and shrinking capacity.

There is another way to think about cost. Sometimes more access to lower-cost care can mean less spending overall.

Consider a patient with hypertension, chronic pain, anxiety, or another condition that can worsen gradually before producing an expensive crisis. Earlier access to lower-cost services—whether behavioral care, acupuncture, nutrition support, physical therapy, massage therapy, or another legally authorized intervention—may help manage symptoms and risk before the patient reaches an emergency department, hospital bed, or more intensive treatment pathway.

The point is not to assume that every alternative service works for every patient. The point is to create a system capable of finding out.

Guardrails against overuse are appropriate. So is outcome measurement. But excluding care from reimbursement before it can generate claims data creates a circular problem: the system says there is not enough evidence because it does not collect the data, and it does not collect the data because the service is not coded and reimbursed.

America Already Has a Broader Healthcare Workforce

Millions of licensed healthcare professionals already provide care outside the physician model: advanced practice nurses, chiropractors, acupuncturists, naturopathic doctors where licensed, behavioral health professionals, midwives, nutrition professionals, massage therapists and bodyworkers, physical and occupational therapists, pharmacists, and others operating within state-defined scopes of practice.

These practitioners do not replace physicians. They give patients additional doors into the healthcare system and can allow physicians, emergency departments, and hospitals to concentrate on the patients who require higher levels of medical care.

But much of this work remains difficult or impossible to identify accurately in the conventional claims stream. Without an appropriate code, there is often no practical route to reimbursement. Without reimbursement, there is little or no claims data. Without claims data, lower-cost approaches remain largely invisible to the people deciding what insurance should cover.

That is the central policy failure.

Coding identifies the service. Reimbursement brings the service into the claims system. Claims data then makes comparison possible—against CPT-coded care, HCPCS Level II services, hospital utilization, prescriptions, total annual spending, and the cost of managing chronic conditions over time.

If policymakers want to know whether broader access actually lowers the $15,474 annual cost per person, the care has to be visible before it can be judged.

The Problem Is Not CPT. It Is Exclusivity.

CPT does an extraordinary job of describing conventional medical care. The mistake was allowing a code set controlled by a physician trade organization to become, in practice, the primary gatekeeper for reimbursement across a healthcare economy that includes many other licensed professions.

That is not an argument for destroying CPT. It is an argument for ending exclusivity.

HHS can establish or recognize a complementary coding framework for services that fall outside CPT’s practical reach. Those codes can be connected to state scope-of-practice rules so payers can determine whether a practitioner is legally authorized to provide the service in that state. That creates a rational boundary: not every service is automatically covered, but every legally provided service can at least be accurately identified, evaluated, and measured.

This approach would also give policymakers something they have never had in a complete form: a 360-degree view of the care Americans are already using.

Direct reimbursement to legally authorized practitioners can reduce unnecessary layers of physician oversight in settings where the law does not require them. More importantly, it creates the data needed to identify which services, practitioners, and care pathways improve outcomes, reduce escalation, and lower the total cost of chronic care.

That data can create a continuous improvement cycle. Services that demonstrate value can expand. Services that do not can be limited or removed. New approaches can enter the system and be judged by the same scoreboard rather than by whether they fit inside an incumbent coding structure.

Don’t Replace CPT. Expand What We Measure.

Reimbursement is not simply payment. It is the mechanism that makes healthcare visible to the system responsible for evaluating cost and outcomes.

Conventional CPT-coded medicine should remain the benchmark. But it should not be the only care that can enter the dataset. A complementary code set would allow lower-cost and non-physician care to compete on measurable results: total annual cost per patient, utilization of expensive services, chronic-care spending, functional outcomes, and other relevant measures.

Critics will reasonably ask whether broader reimbursement could encourage ineffective or unnecessary care. That is precisely why coding and measurement matter. The answer to uncertainty should not be permanent invisibility. It should be transparent data, clear scope-of-practice rules, appropriate guardrails, and evidence generated from real-world claims.

This is not about replacing doctors. It is about using the full healthcare workforce more intelligently and learning which forms of care can prevent patients from needing the most expensive resources in the system.

And it can be tested without dismantling the infrastructure we already depend on.

America already has the practitioners. It already has the electronic claims infrastructure. It already spends $15,474 per person each year.

What it lacks is the ability to see and compare all of its legal healthcare choices.

The fastest path to lower healthcare costs may not be less care. It may be earlier access to the right care, from the right practitioner, at the right time—and a coding system capable of proving what works.

More access. More choice. Less cost.

Source note: 2024 U.S. national health expenditure and per-capita figures are from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services National Health Expenditure data.

  • Margaret Hampton is a seasoned healthcare executive, entrepreneur, and integrative-care advocate dedicated to advancing high-quality, accessible, and cost-effective healthcare solutions. As President of ABC Coding Solutions, she oversees strategic growth. Margaret brings more than two decades of leadership experience at the intersection of clinical operations, practice management, and emerging models of whole-person care. Her work focuses on closing gaps in coverage for integrative, functional, and non-physician services that play a critical role in chronic care management and patient well-being.

  • https://brownstone.org/articles/more-access-more-choice-less-cost/